Book Description
This volume integrates traditional sociological concepts and insights with an ecological awareness and applies it to the globalization process. It takes a dynamic view of globalization as an evolutionary process with a potential for unprecedented transformation of social structure and consciousness.
Book Description
This book argues that the dramatic post-1970 rise in international capital mobility has not systematically contributed to the retrenchment of developed welfare states as many claim. Nor has globalization directly reduced the revenue-raising capacities of governments and undercut the political institutions that support the welfare state. Rather, institutional features of the polity and the welfare state determine the extent to which the economic and political pressures associated with globalization produce Welfare state retrenchment.
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This book argues that the post-1970 rise in international capital mobility has not contributed to the retrenchment of developed welfare states. Nor has globalization reduced the revenue-raising capacities of governments and undercut the political institutions that support the welfare state. Rather, institutional features of the polity and the welfare state determine the extent to which the economic and political pressures associated with globalization produce welfare state retrenchment. In systems characterized by electoral institutions, social corporatist interest representation and policy-making, centralized political authority, and social insurance-based program structures, pro-welfare state interests are favored. In nations characterized by majoritarian electoral institutions, pluralist interest representation and policy-making, decentralization of policy-making authority, and liberal program structure, the economic and political pressures attendant on globalization are translated into rollbacks of social protection. Globalization has had least impact on large welfare states of Northern Europe and most effect on small welfare states of Anglo nations.
Book Description
Timothy Smith argues that the French economic and social model is imploding on itself despite good intentions. Bad policies and vested interests that exploit the rhetoric of "solidarity" and the specter of globalization have prevented necessary changes from being effected. Making frequent comparisons with the U.S., U.K., Canada, Scandinavia, Germany and the Netherlands, Smith argues that change need not follow the inegalitarian U.S. or British paths in order to lead to a more balanced French society.
Customer Reviews:
A thoughtful and stimulating read.......2005-01-26
This is a very enlightening cross-disciplinary look at where the French welfare state finds itself today. The author does a wonderful job of harpooning the self-delusional assumptions the French make about their government's social programs. Likely, this won't be warmly received in France, but challenging the status quo is no way to win popularity contests. The United States and Canada could do with a similar treatment from this author.
From a stylistic standpoint, I think it is important to note that this is not just another dry academic tome. The text is quite lively and there are more than a few colourful turns of phrase thrown in for good measure.
Book Description
In The Decline of the Welfare State, Assaf Razin and Efraim Sadka use a political economy framework to analyze the effects of aging populations, migration, and globalization on the deteriorating system of financing welfare state benefits as we know them. Their timely analysis, supported by a unified theoretical framework and empirical findings, demonstrates how the combined forces of demographic change and globalization will make it impossible for the welfare state to maintain itself on its present scale.
In much of the developed world, the proportion of the population aged 60 and over is expected to rise dramatically over the coming years -- from 35 percent in 2000 to a projected 66 percent in 2050 in the European Union and from 27 percent to 47 percent in the United States -- which may necessitate higher tax burdens and greater public debt to maintain national pension systems at current levels. Low-skill migration produces additional strains on welfare-state financing because such migrants typically receive benefits that exceed what they pay in taxes. Higher capital taxation, which could potentially be used to finance welfare benefits, is made unlikely by international tax competition brought about by globalization of the capital market. Applying a political economy model and drawing on empirical data from the EU and the United States, the authors draw an unconventional and provocative conclusion from these developments. They argue that the political pressure from both aging and migrant populations indirectly generates political processes that favor trimming rather than expanding the welfare state. The combined pressures of aging, migration, and globalization will shift the balance of political power and generate public support from the majority of the voting population for cutting back traditional welfare state benefits.
Book Description
In the last quarter of the twentieth century, the global political economy has undergone a profound transformation. Democracy has swept the globe, and both rich and developing nations must compete in an increasingly integrated world economy.
How are social welfare policies being affected by this wave of economic globalization? Leading researchers explore the complex question in this new comparative study. Shifting their focus from the more commonly studied, established welfare states of northwestern Europe, the authors of Globalization and the Future of the Welfare State examine policy development in the middle-income countries of southern and eastern Europe, Latin America, Russia, and East Asia.
Previous investigations into the effects of globalization on welfare states have generally come to one of two conclusions. The first is that a global economy undermines existing welfare states and obstructs new developments in social policy, as generous provisions place a burden on a nation's resources and its ability to compete in the international marketplace. In contrast, the second builds on the finding that economic openness is positively correlated with greater social spending, which suggests that globalization and welfare states can be mutually reinforcing.
Here the authors find that globalization and the success of the welfare state are by no means as incompatible as the first view implies. The developing countries analyzed demonstrate that although there is great variability across countries and regions, domestic political processes and institutions play key roles in managing the disruptions wrought by globalization.
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Limits to Globalization: Welfare States and the World Economy
Stephan Leibfried
Manufacturer: Polity Press
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ASIN: 0745628516 |
Book Description
In this exciting new book, Rieger and Leibfried argue persuasively for the need to understand developments in welfare and social provision alongside the processes of globalization. In the two decades following the Second World War, the massive expansion of the welfare state system arguably allowed Western governments to expose their societies to uncontrollable external risks associated with the deregulated global economic environment. The authors contend that the combination of changes in welfare and technological innovation provided the necessary conditions for globalization by limiting some of the more harmful effects of economic change. Today, the developed welfare state is in need of reform for various endogenous reasons. If such reforms are to work effectively, however, Rieger and Leibfried claim that governments must take into account the complex ways in which domestic social policy and external economic policy are interconnected. They maintain that the present climate provides a unique opportunity for policy-makers to engage constructively with globalization, warning that failure to think creatively about welfare in this context could result in governments falling back into an unhelpful and out-moded protectionist stance. Drawing on case studies from Germany and the United States, Rieger and Leibfried show how welfare reform has worked in practice in the Western world. Contrasting these findings with the experience of East Asian states, they go on to argue that whilst welfare systems may appear to be similar, they function in different ways depending on the cultural setting. These cultural differences may condition the way in which welfare state regimes are able to mitigate the effects of globalization upon particular societies and economies.
Book Description
The number of street children in developed and developing nations is rising, often in the midst of prosperity. These original contributions study and compare the living conditions and educational experiences of homeless children in the United States, Brazil and Cuba. Because social policy and economic factors are central to these children's plight, Mickelson and her contributors employ a political economy perspective to examine the lives of the children and the educational and social programs-successful and unsuccessful-that are designed to serve them. The book examines formal and informal programs, compares and contrasts children's situations in each country, and offers policy recommendations. Throughout the book, case studies are combined with recent statistical and demographic facts about each country. Also includes maps. Contributors: Fernanda Gonçalves Almeida, Jean Anyon, Lynn G. Beck, Inaia Maria Moreira de Carvalho, Anthony Dewees, Marian Wright Edelman, Ligia Gomes Elliot, Irving Epstein, María Luisa González, Linda Holman, Ana Huerta-Macías, Martha Knisely Huggins, Steven J. Klees, Lori Korinek, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Myriam P. Mesquita, Virginia Laycock McLaughlin, Roslyn Arlin Mickelson, Nelly de Mendoça Moulin, Rebecca L. Newman, Ralph da Costa Nuñez, Vilma Periera, Marc Posner, Amelia Maria Noronha Pessoa de Queiroz, Yvonne Rafferty, Irene Rizzini, Fúlvia Rosemberg, Murilo Tadeu Moreira Silva, James H. Stronge, Chriss Walther-Thomas
Customer Reviews:
Fantastic and I work with Street Kids.......2007-10-10
I work with Brazilian Street Kids ages 5-15 along with extreme at risk kids in the US. This book really comes in handy.
Book Description
This is a book about Washington Consensus capitalism and the controversies its encroachment causes in Japan and Germany. Many people in both those countries share the assumptions dominant today in Britain and America-that managers should be intent solely on creating shareholder value and that shareholders' financial logic alone should determine who buys what company on the stock exchange. That way efficiency (and hence global welfare) will be maximized. The Japanese and German advocates of full-bloodied market capitalism are not having it all their own way, however. In both countries there are articulate defenders of what they consider to be a better way of life, informed by a more human, more social-solidary, set of values. Dore traces the fascinating debates which ensue on corporate governance, on worker rights, on supplier relations, on cartels and anti-trust, on pensions and welfare. He also analyses actual changes in economic behaviour-an essential means of sorting out a lot of the muddle and double-talk not just in the internal debates themselves, but even more in the foreign reporting of them. These accounts of the battle for the national soul in Japan and Germany constitute one of the finest contributions to the 'diversity of capitalism' debate. Dore's account should be read by anyone who is interested to know whether, for all the talk of globalization, that diversity is going to survive.
Customer Reviews:
Good book with wrong conclusions.......2005-08-15
I disagree with the conclusions which contain a good deal of left-wing simplifications and pessimism (I believe that Germany and Japan will preserve many of their characteristics and prosper!). However, no doubt an interesting piece of work, which I recommend especially now that changes in the two countries mentioned above are finally accelerating (while the US is starting a phase of decline after a very successful decade).
Review of Journal of Economic Literature.......2003-04-07
This review appeared in JEL, Dec. 2002, by RICHARD A. WERNER Sophia University, Tokyo.
Hardly a day passes without the financial press asserting that Japan's economic structure is responsible for the long recession and demanding "badly needed" structural changes. The results of a decade of apparently vigorous counter-cyclical policies have been disappointing. It is therefore not surprising that many experts agree with the Bank of Japan's argument that deep structural reforms are needed to enhance growth. A similar story is being told about Germany. Recent economic weakness is seen by the European Central Bank as evidence that structural re-form is "needed"-a view enthusiastically sup-ported by the financial press (who, according to Dore, constitute an interested party benefiting from the "financialization" that results from introducing U.S.-style capitalism). As Francis Fukuyama argued, the "Anglo-Saxon" free market and stock market based system has become the global standard. It is this mainstream view that Ronald Dore's important and refreshing book is directed against. It deserves praise not just for Dore's courage in defending an unpopular cause.
The book is very timely: it points out the advantages of German/Japanese welfare capitalism just when it is becoming an endangered species. It is rich in detail, yet surprisingly concise. It is analytical, yet highly readable and full of illuminating examples. It combines an eye for macro-economic implications with sound micro-economic and management- level insights. Finally, Dore's book provides an analysis of the ongoing pressures on welfare capitalism and how its salient features are now changing. Dore's readers benefit from his decades of experience and seminal work on the Japanese firm. The relatively smaller weight given to Germany is the book's main (though acknowledged) weakness.
Dore identifies key features that make Ger-man/ Japanese capitalism different from the "Anglo- Saxon" variety familiar from textbooks. The former produces benefits due to its cooperative nature and long-term orientation. The Anglo-Saxon model is good for the shareholders. The Germans and Japanese maintained market mechanisms, but eliminated shareholders as the main beneficiaries. Instead of serving the few, a form of capitalism was born that succeeded in creating a decent quality of life for the many- employees and society at large.
Dore is a must-read for any economist, precisely because he challenges our preconceptions. As is increasingly recognized in the literature, once unrealistic assumptions such as perfect information and efficient markets are relaxed, there is no guarantee that markets left to their own devices will produce socially optimal results. The designers of the German and Japanese systems based their institutional designs on a more realistic description of the world. By focusing on mutually beneficial cooperation and coordination, they managed to internalize externalities, minimize information costs, and, most of all, motivate individuals. They recognized that "utility functions" are interdependent, people compete in hierarchical fashion and have a common desire for justice and fairness of organizational arrangements. Recent growth theories acknowledge the importance of the human resource aspect of "labor." While neglected in static models and policy advice, human resources are at the center of the German/Japanese model.
With regard to the premise that capital is the scarce resource and that "labor" will normally be in fairly abundant supply, Dore says, "It is amazing that anyone can seriously sustain this view in a world awash with so much liquidity that its movement from one country to another keeps exchange rates in perpetual motion" (p. 15). Human resource mobilization requires institutional design. "The whole discussion of modal behavioral dispositions as a factor in the functioning of economic systems tends to be avoided among economists who wish to believe that what they teach their students are theorems about THE economy, determined by the universal utility function of MAN" (p. 38). Not so in Japan, where people tend "to be good at discerning possibilities of cooperation which can be of general benefit, and at devising organizational forms which can reap those benefits in ways which all participants can consider fair" (p. 38).
One such organizational form is the system of industry associations, which are modern incarnations of the medieval guild structure. Due to their public goods character, resulting cartels may be welfare-enhancing. The cooperative orientation does not mean there is no competition. As Dore explains well, competition can be fierce, as the system combines markets and hierarchies. The tendency towards the formation of cartels is counteracted by relatively low concentration ratios in many industries (due to bank finance and cross-shareholdings which result in fewer hostile takeovers) and inter-firm rivalry due to lifetime employment.
Just when economists are beginning to recognize these issues, Germany and Japan are moving toward adopting the Anglo-Saxon model. These changes increase "financialization" and thus the share of economic activity devoted to profit-seeking by shifting ownership certificates from A to B. Adopting U.S.-style capitalism means that Germany and Japan are importing its disadvantages and social problems. Dore asks: Can it be efficient to devote ever more people to servicing "gambling on uncertainties in financial markets" with analysis, advice, appraisal, advertising? As increasingly strong shareholders demand "value," will social welfare or overall fairness increase? One issue remains: If it is so successful, why is Dore one of the few to defend welfare capitalism?
Recent weak economic performance is blamed on the system, and it is seen to have out-lived its usefulness. Whether this is really true must be investigated, though it is beyond the scope of Dore's book. In my forthcoming book (2003, Princes of the Yen, Japan's Central Bankers and the Structural Transformation of the Economy, Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe) I provide evidence that the Japanese recession was not due to the economic structure but instead to a central bank aiming at dismantling welfare capitalism.
All in all, Dore's book succeeds in raising and illuminating these challenging issues. It deserves much attention. It also shows the need for further research on this topic-and soon, before this species of capitalism becomes extinct.
Stock Market Capitalism.......2001-01-04
"...a thoughtful and provocative book on how global capitalism may evolve" Jeffrey Garten, Dean of Yale Management School
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The Welfare State in the European Union: Economic and Social Perspectives
Pierre Pestieau
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
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ASIN: 0199261024 |
Book Description
This book offers an account of the performance of the welfare state in the European Union, and explores its future prospects in an ever evolving setting. The objectives of the welfare state are twofold: to relieve poverty and to provide a sense of security for everyone. It can be shown that over the last four decades the welfare state has been quite successful in achieving these objectives, more visibly in the Nordic countries than in the Southern or the Anglo-Saxon ones. But today the welfare state is at a crossroad. It is facing a variety of challenges that include demographic aging, the changing role of families, increased opportunism, economic integration and declining job security. All these challenges call for a drastic reform of the welfare state, one that requires more control of abuses and more accountability. The authors that it is crucial that all the components of the welfare state be made as efficient as possible, and that if a choice has to be made between alleviating poverty and protecting individuals against lifetime risks, priority should be given to the first objective. This book devotes a chapter to each of the main social protection programs: health care, unemployment insurance, pensions and child policies. In addition, special consideration is given throughout to the necessary interdependence among the State, the market and the family.
Book Description
The idea of finding a 'third way' in politics has become a focus of discussion across the world. Political leaders, in the US, Europe, Asia and Latin America claim to be following its principles. Yet the notion has also attracted much criticism. Some say it is an empty concept without any real content. Critics from the more traditional left argue that it is a betrayal of left-wing ideals.Anthony Giddens's The Third Way (Polity Press, 1998) is regarded by many as the key text of third way politics. Translated into twenty-five languages, it has shaped the development of the third way. In this new book Giddens responds to the critics, and further develops the ideas set out in his earlier volume. Far from being unable to deal with inequalities of wealth and power, he shows, third way politics offers the only feasible approach to these issues. The work is indispensable for anyone who wants to understand the most important political debate going on today.Anthony Giddens is the Director of the London School of Economics and Political Science. He is the author or editor of over thirty books. His previous works, especially Beyond Left and Right (Polity Press, 1994) have influenced debates about the future of social democracy in many countries across the world. Frequently referred to in the UK as Tony Blair's guru, Giddens has made a strong impact on the evolution of New Labour.
Customer Reviews:
Decent and lucid defense of third-way politics.......2004-12-15
As others have pointed out, the aims of this book are rather obvious - to provide a well-backed and academically stated justification for Tony Blair's third way policies and to show that they are consistent with social democrat thinking. Personally I don't subscribe to third way thinking, but this is a decent defense of it and raises some interesting points. It does tend towards the obvious and can drift into truist observations (or perhaps these observations are used to justify more contestable conclusions).
Third way is an interesting topic and it would be fascinating to read an in-depth and impartial analysis of how it has grown up. This book is not that, though it never claimed to be. It is essentially written as an accessible, lucid account for the layman, which it succeeds at, and simultaneously a refutation of criticisms, which it is possible less successful with. It doesn't really engage with the most basic objections to the very idea of what seems a compromising, vote-seeking formula of the power hungry who have been forced to accept ideas fundamentally at odds with those they are heir to, leading to a valiant but ultimately unconvincing attempt to portray them as one and the same.
I won't pass judgement on third way thinking or Blair, though, as that's not really the object of writing reviews. What I would say is this is a worthwhile and interesting volume if you want a brief but relatively comprehensive (at a basic level) case for the third way.
Appreciating Subtlety.......2002-03-03
Perhaps the most problematic aspect of Third Way 'talk' (or "Blair-speak" as it is known in Britain) is that it often sounds like a big pile of BS. It exhorts civic virtue, but then appears to be Margaret Thatcher: the sequel. This is because Third Way politics are essentially a refutation of left-right thinking--this is what this book excels at conveying.
Tony Giddens offers a concise, but clear, discussion of what the Third Way is all about, and if a reader approaches the text with a willingness to think outside of the left-right consciousness, then it offers a significant contribution to new thinking about politics. It reconceptualizes politics as the continual reconciliation of the failure of governments and markets. It is, at its simplest, about appreciating that meaningful political thinking requires reflexivity and a willingness to change opinions and policies as circumstances change around us. It is not about selling-out to the capitalists; it is not about tax-and-spend politics. This is a book about solutions.
The return of the inflatable man.......2000-10-08
"Trying to in down an exact meaning in all this" wrote the Economist back in 1998 "is like wrestling an inflatable man. If you get a grip on one limb, all the hot air rushes to another."
Two years on, and the inflatable man is back. There is no shortage of hot air rushing from place to place in this sequal to The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy. There's almost nothing to disagree with here -- which is part of the problem.
The story so far goes something like this: the good guys in politics are called 'social democrats'. They care about things like equality and a fair deal for the underdog. The bad guys are called 'neoliberals.' They go round beating people with handbags and making jokes about bombing the Soviet Union. Their aim is to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. But there's a problem. Up until now being a social democrat has meant responding to every new social problem with an increase in the size and scope of government (tax and spend). However during the 1980s most left-leaning politicians figured out that was exactly the kind of thing which lost elections. So around the world, left of center governments abandoned Keynsianism, cracked down on welfare and started privatizing. And the he voters liked it. But this success also created a problem. The chattering classes accused their politicians of selling out to neoliberalism.
So this is where Giddens steps in. While the third way worked well in practice, to convince the critics it also needs to work in theory. Giddens sets out to persuade the intellectual left that the third way is sheep in wolf's clothing. Sure on the outside it looks like a toned-down version of Reagan/Thatcher but deep down it's a caring sharing lamb. Social democratic practice is past its use-by date, but there's no need, says Giddens, to identify social democracy with specific policies. Instead, social democratic goals can be expressed through new policies--like making welfare recipients work, getting tough on crime and cutting the bureaucracy. It's all a matter of how you look at it.
In Britain and Europe the term 'social democracy' has become a kind of brand name with some serious brand loyalty. Giddens is fighting to keep that brand for the new product line. It's a bit like Levi Strauss saying "sure they're not jeans... but they ARE Levis and you know how much you like those."
Great writer, dreadful book.......2000-04-30
In Britain, it's become commonplace to dismiss the Third Way as an ideologically incoherent mess: a label in search of an ideology to attatch itself to. Tony Giddens doesn't do much to clear things up: in fact, this book is a prime exemplar of the sort of the woolly, not-quite-thoroughly-thought-out rhetoric that gives New Labour a bad name.
Much of this THIN tome is spent on self-evident bromides. Environmental degradation = bad. Solidarity = good. The distinction between left and right ain't what it used to be. You don't say! The rest is taken up by pious good intentions about social democracy renewing itself. Any second-rate political speech writer could've come up with roughly the same set of homilies.
Giddens is a brilliant sociologist, but this book never gets off the ground. It's too bad, really, because Blair style new-new-leftism really could use a coherent defense from a skilfull theorist. Instead, what it gets out of this book is a half baked homily that betrays an alarming degree of political naivete for such an eminent social scientists. It's a mess, really.
An Answer of sorts.......2000-04-25
The basic thrust of this book is an argument to balance the undoubted energy of capitalism with the need to foster social solidarity and civic values. Giddens states that : "The third way suggests that it is possible to combine social solidarity with a dynamic economy, and this is a goal contemporary social democrats should strive for." (page 5)
Giddens points out that national governments are limited by historical developments in how far they can manage economic life and provide social benefits. His ideas are taken seriously by political leaders like Blair and Clinton.
Others, however, remain distinctly unimpressed. This book has been written to answer those critics (and I must declare I'm proud to be numbered amongst them). The best of his critics come from the Left. Our main point is that his third way would leave power and wealth relations largely unaffected and that he is pursuing an agenda dictated by multi-national corporations. Does Giddens answer his critics? The answer I would give is a qualified yes. Whilst stressing the benefits of a market economy he recognises the tension that exists between it and "other life values". He suggests some interesting reforms aimed at balancing seemingly contradictory trends.Curiously, however, he has little to say on empowering people in their working lives. The creativity and energy he wants to harness for civic work is to go to waste in the workplace. His desire to get people active in voluntary work and politics does not extend to making them more active participants in workplace decisions (where a great deal of their life is actually spent). This is a great pity. I would like to see Giddens comment more on workers trusts and co-operative ventures.
This book is worth reading because it is part of the process of a debate which is vital. It is not, however, by any means a final statement. The critics still have much to say.
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