Book Description
On Wall Street, in the culture of high tech, in American government: Libertarianism-the simple but radical idea that the only purpose of government is to protect its citizens and their property against direct violence and threat-has become an extremely influential strain of thought. But while many books talk about libertarian ideas, none until now has explored the history of this uniquely American movement-where and who it came from, how it evolved, and what impact it has had on our country.
In this revelatory book, based on original research and interviews with more than 100 key sources, Brian Doherty traces the evolution of the movement through the unconventional life stories of its most influential leaders-Ludwig von Mises, F.A. Hayek, Ayn Rand, Murray Rothbard, and Milton Friedman-and through the personal battles, character flaws, love affairs, and historical events that altered its course. And by doing so, he provides a fascinating new perspective on American history-from the New Deal through the culture wars of the 1960s to today's most divisive political issues. Neither an exposi nor a political polemic, this entertaining historical narrative will enlighten anyone interested in American politics.
Customer Reviews:
Thorough History Of The Libertarian Movement.......2007-07-18
I am not a libertarian. But I do support their stance on certain issues such as being pro-immigration, against military imperialism and for civil liberties, including the legalization of prostitution and drugs. This book is a very thorough and well researched history of the movement. But, at over 600 pages, it is not really for those seeking a brief introduction.
Doherty begins the movement's history with the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises and proceeds, more or less, chronologically describing key libertarian figures such as F.A. Hayek, Rose Wilder Lane, Ayn Rand, Murray Rothbard and Milton Friedman. Doherty is a senior editor at Reason magazine and thus obviously a libertarian himself. But I found his overall approach to be balanced and he certainly wasn't afraid to describe the personal faults of important libertarian figures. For instance, Ayn Rand comes across as an insufferable egomaniac who turned her Objectivist philosophy movement into something resembling a religious cult (based on the worship of her) before eventually driving away nearly everyone associated with her. On the other hand, I found Murray Rothbard to be a more likable character, at least during his Circle Bastiat days.
Rothbard is also the person who was most involved in bringing libertarian ideas to the radicals of the 1960's. As someone who came of age in the counter-culture, I have always recognized that there was a link between the bohemian's and the libertarian's emphasis on individual freedom. However, the truth is that most politically minded counter-cultural types tend to lean towards a sort of leftist communal anarchism and would probably identify as "radicals against capitalism" instead of "radicals for capitalism". Still I do see some similarties there and will be interested to read another of Doherty's books - "This Is Burning Man: The Rise Of A New American Underground".
In any case, I agree with the previous reviewer that every significant political philosophy deserves it's own written history and this one is very well written, detailed and worthy of being read.
Uninspiring history.......2007-07-17
This is a beefy book that needs a strong dose of willpower to finish. It reads more like a brain dump than something that's had some thought devoted to its structure (hence presumably requiring the "freewheeling" qualifier in the title), or some editorial pruning to its frequent repetition. It is useful, though, as a single source to look up the names that crop up in any discussion with _American_ libertarians (libertarians/anarchists in the rest of the world are dogmatically anti-capitalist).
The book confirms that the American libertarian philosophy is the economic-determinist twin of the Marxist one, with the premise that a simple economic formula will free everyone. For the libertarians, its "private property and free markets"; for the Marxist, it is "state-owned production and central planning". With the libertarians, you just hand over your freedom to the property owner. That is, if you can even afford to participate in their free market.
One logical corollary of the formula shows up in the book in the person of Andrew Galambos, the guru of Harry Browne, twice Presidential candidate of the American Libertarian Party. Galambos taught courses on capitalism, but attendees could not talk to anyone about the content, since the ideas were owned by Galambos. (However, there are apparently a few American libertarians who oppose intellectual property.)
A really good analysis of the absurdities underlying what passes for the political philosophy underlying "libertarianism" and "anarcho-capitalism", even assuming their central proposition of the State being an inherently evil institution, is a document available on the web called "An Anarchist FAQ", written by left-libertarians and anarchists, who are obviously sceptical of any government. Since this book is a history, there understandably aren't any pages devoted to a _decent_ defence of the ideology from its critics.
As the other reviews describe, the central flow of the narrative is woven around Mises, Hayek, Rand, Friedman and Rothbard, with the other libertarians and institutions discussed in major digressions. Of all the people mentioned in this hagiography, one person who stood out was Robert Anton Wilson, a recently deceased libertarian science fiction author, who seemed to have a genuine interest in seeing the whether the professed aims of libertarianism would help those who needed it the most.
The material on Austrian economics is interesting, since it's perhaps not well known that it's quite sceptical of the ideas underlying the dominant neo-classical school, which seems to the uninitiated to be all about market-driven solutions. There is some discussion of Hayek's screed against central planning, but too little about how it applies to the central planning that takes place inside any corporation. It was striking that Mises, the founding Austrian economist, rejected, _on principle_, any empirical verification of Austrian theory against real-world data. Quite a "rational " position, that, perhaps explaining why Austrian economics was not (and perhaps still is not) taken seriously.
An Excellent and Fun History.......2007-06-29
This book is the first comprehensive history of the American libertarian movement, from its roots in the American Revolution, to Ron Paul, Cato and beyond. Along the way, the author looks at 19th Century philosophers whose anarchism was based in a strong belief in individual liberty to the nadir of American individual in the crisis of the Great Depression and the patriotic collectivism of World War Two. In 1943, it seemed that individualism was dead, so much so that the last "classic" individual anarchist, Albert Jay Nock, entitled his autobiography "The Memoirs of a Superfluous Man."
It is at that point that the story really picks up. For also in 1943, three remarkable women, Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane and Ayn Rand each published works that would rally believers in individual liberty. The following year, Frederick Hayek would publish "The Road to Serfdom" and the battle against government control would begin. Doherty makes many stops along the way, addressing the many disparate strands that are American libertarianism. From the respectable businessmen who joined the Foundation for Economic Education, to the students at the Freedom School, to the anarchism of Murray Rothbard, the radicalism of Karl Hess and the back to the land movement, Doherty shows the characters, the freewheeling, and the backstabbing.
While the term libertarian is still somewhat loaded, thanks to the sometimes strange people that inhibit the Libertarian Party, Doherty also shows how libertarianism has gone mainstream. While early Austrian economists Mises and Hayek had trouble finding academic berths in the United States, the "Chicago School" has built a network of academics. Milton Freidman advised presidents and one of his disciples now sits as head of the Federal Reserve (ironic as Friedman wanted to abolish the Federal Reserve). Whereas in the early 1960s, libertarian ideas were often passed around in mimeographed newsletters, today, it is discussed in libertarian think tanks and in glossy magazines.
Doherty really did his homework. Much of the book contains personal remembrances gleaned from an incredible number of interviews conducted over about 10 years. And as the book comes to present day, Doherty, an editor at Reason Magazine and connected with many modern libertarian organizations, takes on a very conversational tone.
In short, the book is well researched, easy to read and fun. I highly recommend it.
The Story of an Awakening.......2007-06-25
What a great read! Doherty researched his subject (and subjects) almost exhaustively and gave a sometimes breezy, sometimes dense, all the time entertaining portrait of Libertarianism and its founders. Libertarians (and I count myself as one) who boast that their "time has come" are as deluded as the conspiracy nuts who KNOW that Bush is in cohoots with Osama, Saddam, Jews, Saudis, Nazis, aliens - take your pick. I've always contended that Libertarianism will never be a political force because of the very nature of the philosophy - an anti-collectivist attitude that rejecting the sublimation of the individual to the group that is the hallmark of modern politics. In this Brave New World, everything from bathroom flushes to the size of holes in Swiss cheese is politicized. Incredibly, there are those who argue these issues with the passion of the newly converted - I mark it down to the substitution of ideology for religion.
Libertarians are critical thinkers, intelligent and questioning. Even a casual perusal of this work makes that evident. They somehow found the intellectual fortitude to reject the overwhelming majority belief in a nanny State. The movement has the highest percentage of atheists of any political group and yet, for all their smarts, they are constantly battling one another. They can only agree on the broadest and vaguest concepts - non-coercion, limited government, individual and property rights. Maybe it's the absence of the ubiquitious "Vote for me and I'll start a program" politics that voters need. The personalities in the book are heavy hitters - Von Mises, Rand, Rothbard, Hayek, Freidman and then there are all the others - Ron Paul, Popper, Brown, etc. Rand is mainly discussed through her fiction although her non-fiction is almost highlighted. Hayek's advocacy of freedom along with the brilliant but turgid von Mises is contrasted with the almost sunny, public Friedman.
Libertarianism arose in the GOP and it remains almost exclusively in that realm. (Paul says that Republicans were the original Libertarians.) The only "leftist" thread in Libertarianism is the anarchist leaning of some. The Democrat embrace of group rights, the nanny state, high taxes and (until recently) foreign intervention has prevented the rise of any movement from that side. The common thread, the glue that holds the book together is Rothbard. His decades-long search to find his philosophical base was both repelling and fascinating as he switched allegiances, picked fights, protested this or that perceived slight and yet remained in the spotlight. One is suspicious that this was his real goal at times. His claim never to have changed views is absurd and yet his machinations give the book a well-needed "spine" that allows the action to flow chronologically. As in most books about Libertarianism, the subjects of economic and human rights arise since there is a direct correlation between the two.
Doherty strikes a fine balance between theory, biography, gossip and commentary. In many books like this, either the ideology or the personalities receive short shrift. I found the reading incredibly interesting but for others it will be a chore. In the end one is both awed at the human effort that has been expended toward the idea of freedom and saddened that so few seem to grasp those ideas.
Push Back the State.......2007-06-24
Every movement deserves its 700 page history and Brian Doherty has written an outstanding one for the libertarian movement. He focuses on five seminal libertarian thinkers, Ludwig von Mises, Ayn Rand, F.A. Hayek, Murray Rothbard and Milton Friedman, but certainly doesn't ignore the other people who have made the movement so colorful. The book is consistently enlightening and provides biographical details of its major players that I didn't know. And, contrary to those who would rewrite history, Doherty makes it clear that Rand's "Objectivist" movement left a trail of broken lives in its wake, not the least of which was Rand's.
As other reviewers have noted, perhaps a few too many mistakes crept into this book and there are certainly some questionable judgments, but this is "our history" and all libertarians should be grateful to Mr. Doherty.
Product Description
The bestselling author of No Logo shows how the global free market has exploited crises and shock for three decades, from Chile to Iraq
In her groundbreaking reporting over the past few years, Naomi Klein introduced the term disaster capitalism. Whether covering Baghdad after the U.S. occupation, Sri Lanka in the wake of the tsunami, or New Orleans post-Katrina, she witnessed something remarkably similar. People still reeling from catastrophe were being hit again, this time with economic shock treatment, losing their land and homes to rapid-fire corporate makeovers.
The Shock Doctrine retells the story of the most dominant ideology of our time, Milton Friedman s free market economic revolution. In contrast to the popular myth of this movement s peaceful global victory, Klein shows how it has exploited moments of shock and extreme violence in order to implement its economic policies in so many parts of the world from Latin America and Eastern Europe to South Africa, Russia, and Iraq.
At the core of disaster capitalism is the use of cataclysmic events to advance radical privatization combined with the privatization of the disaster response itself. Klein argues that by capitalizing on crises, created by nature or war, the disaster capitalism complex now exists as a booming new economy, and is the violent culmination of a radical economic project that has been incubating for fifty years.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent expose of links between economics, corporations & government policy.......2007-10-24
I just finished this book from the library and I'll have to go out and buy it. The revelations of torture, economic policy, corporate complicity and government support for all of this wasn't really new to me, but this puts the theory and rationale behind the actions. It dovetails theory and practice so that I now see Iraq, Russia, Chile, South America, South Africa, and others in a new light. As a warning that this could happen here, the warrantless wiretaping of American phone calls, emails etc. should send a chill to anyone who believes in the Constitution and the freedom of democracy. The founding fathers would be very sad to see how we have let the United States become a corporate shill and enabler of torture, convictions and detentions without trial and other crimes against humanity. A great read. Highly recommended
This book is a SHOCK.......2007-10-24
Very well written and researched work by Noami Klein, however it is rather depressing read (at least for me). It injects lots of pessimistic feelings about human nature, about our inability to live in peace and create just economic system. Even if the connection between the political repressions/killings and the free market "revolution" is only partially true, reading "The Shock Doctrine" one cannot escape conclusion that world is shifting into at least questionable unsustainable direction. Author points out that many socio-economical ideologies and theories cannot be blamed for misery. It is their interpretation and distorted application being responsible for terrible consequences. While communistic utopian idea of "equality" never managed (as it tried) to engulf large portion of the world (transforming here and there into horrible mutations), Friedman's econo-doctrine spreads fast around the globe like a disease. Polarizing wealth within societies and between nations it therefore creates opposite to communism scenario and rejects notion of democracy as "equality of condition" in favor of "equality of OPPORTUNITY". Worse: once Friedman model is introduced, there is no practical way to escape from it. The worst though is...that Friedo-capitalism is so brazen that allows free flow of strong criticism (like for example this book) without being concerned about it at all. And this is really scary.
"Dishonest".......2007-10-23
The "Financial Times" reviewed this book and called it "dishonest". It basically makes connections which are not there. One example: blaming the Russian destruction of Grosny (Chechnya) on Milton Friedman, instead of on Russia. Another example, stating that the Hizbollah attempt to take over Lebanon is basically a revolt by the 'poor' against the neo-liberal world order. Constantly, Ms. Klein attempts to bang the square peg of reality (power politics, Islamic fundamentalist imperialism) into the round hole of leftwing theory. The FT basically accuses Klein of making all kinds of highly unlikely connections, which in reality, do not exist. They also state that the work is "deeply flawed".
Eye Opener.......2007-10-22
If you've been wondering why the rich are getting richer and you're going nowhere, this book will help explain why. Wonder why you are so insecure about your job; why the politicians keep pushing these free trade pacts even though everyone knows they only help corporations make more money and allow the corporations to exploit the world's populous by having them work for less and less; why New Orleans has been abandoned (at least the areas previously filled with ordinary people; why the times feel so cruel, harsh, and Dickensian? Are you still trying to figure out why after Osama Bin Laden attacked us, we invaded Iraq? You don't know why we have to cut the social spending in the Federal budget but increase the spending for the military/industrial complex and why so many ordinary americans are losing their federal jobs to private contractors? Read this book and find out why.
The real skinny behind "Shock and Awe".......2007-10-22
It always seemed strange to me that the more aid a poor country gets, the poorer they get. Read this book to understand why. Journalist Naomi Klein takes us behind the scenes to show us why the rich nations of the world, led by America, are able to use "disaster capitalism" to "shock" a poor nation into submission. And how these rich nations use "aid" (via the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank) as a means of coercion to bring entire economies to their knees.
And if these countries do not welcome the "aid" that these organizations give then, or if these countries do something that the rich don't like, then those poor countries are "shocked" into submission and thus weakening them into giving up their economies.
Consider what happened when Iran tried to nationalize their oil fields in 1951. Consider what happened when the Dominican Republic tried to take back their fruit industry from American ownership in the early 60s. And what happened when Chile tried to do the same in 1972. And consider how these countries were "shocked" into submission later.
The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism by Naomi Klein gives a fuller understanding about what is happening in the world today.
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Haves Without Have-Nots: Essays for the 21st Century on Democracy and Socialism
Mortimer J. Adler
Manufacturer: Macmillan Pub Co
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0025005618 |
Book Description
Immanuel Wallerstein's World-System theory made a big impact on International Political Economy when it was first formulated in the early 1980s. Although subsequently criticised, the recent demise of the Soviet system's historic attempt to delink from global capitalism has provided a perhaps unanticipated confirmation of the profundity of its insights. Now with this new book, Wallerstein and a team of colleagues from the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems and Civilizations take world-system theory a major step forward.
Customer Reviews:
The choices we need to make over the next 25 years.......2000-04-09
This is an important albeit not uncontroversial contribution to the field of international political economy. The book tries to answer the question whether the world capitalist system is in crisis and the paths available for future world development. The works are firmly located within the world system thesis expounded by Wallerstein in many of his previous works.
The book intoruduces the concept of 6 vectors within which future paths can be examined. These are the inter-state system; world production; world labour force; human welfare; cohesion of states; and the structures of knowledge.
The book displays the weaknesses inherent in the world system thesis. These include overstating the degree of integration of the economies of the world and thus not taking into account the emergence of "non-states" run either by armed bandits or by organised crime.
The book does not deal adequately with the current state of the state. Given the debate around MNCs and their increasing expansion into areas which were the domain of the state this is an issue needing serious appraisal.
The depiction of this era as being a post US hegemonic era is also an area which will be contested by many writers, not least of all the Fukuyama's of the world.
Wallerstein concludes that the future depends onm how the following factors develop: * the extent to which there is loyalty to citizenship;
* the level of security through police order; the extent to which military orders are maintained; * level of welfare especially in relation to health and food distribution; * stability of religious institutions.
Amazon.com
"Capitalism is the most successful wealth-creating economic system the world has ever known," declares Robert Gilpin. Yet it has skeptics. "Individual nations and powerful groups within nations that believe the world economy functions unfairly and to their disadvantage, or who wish to change the system to benefit themselves to the detriment of others, are an ever-present threat to the stability of the system." The task, then, is to ensure its survival through wise leadership that provides fair rules governing trade, investment, and currency. At a time when the economies of the world appear more linked than ever, and the tug of even further internationalization feels irresistible, Gilpin says nothing is inevitable. The whole system must rest on secure political foundations--foundations that Gilpin argues have weakened since the end of the cold war. "Growing concern over economic globalization and increased competition have intensified the movement toward economic regionalism and the appeal of protectionism," he writes. The Challenge of Global Capitalism was actually completed before the World Trade Organization's disastrous 1999 meeting in Seattle; after watching the protests unfold there, even the most Pollyannaish observers must admit that Gilpin warns of a real threat. His book will appeal mainly to economists, but serious nonspecialists will also find its sober prose accessible. --John J. Miller
Book Description
Many individuals proclaim that global capitalism is here to stay. Unfettered markets, they argue, now drive the world, and all countries must adjust, no matter how painful this may be for some. Robert Gilpin, author of the widely acclaimed Political Economy of International Relations (Princeton, 1987), urges us, however, not to take an open and integrated global economy for granted. Rather, we must consider the political circumstances that have enabled global markets to function and the probability that these conditions will continue. Gilpin's new book amounts to a magisterial inquiry into all major aspects of the contemporary world political economy. Beginning with the 1989 end of the Cold War and the subsequent collapse of communism, it focuses on globalization and rapid technological change and covers a broad sweep of economic developments and political cultures. Gilpin demonstrates the fragility of a global and integrated economy and recommends what can be done to strengthen it.
The international community has another chance to solidify the global market economy that collapsed with the outbreak of World War I. Yet, writes Gilpin, the full implications of this historic development for international affairs are not yet clear. Will socialist economies make a successful transition to market-type economies? What role will a dynamic China play in the world economy? Will the United States continue to exercise leadership or gravitate toward self-centered policies? Gilpin explores such questions along with problems in the areas of trade liberalization, multinational corporations, and destabilizing financial flows. He also investigates the struggles of less developed countries and the spread of economic regionalism, particularly in Europe, North America, and Pacific Asia, which directly threatens an open world economy.
The author maintains that global capitalism and economic globalization have rested and must continue to rest on a secure political foundation. However, this foundation has eroded since the end of the Soviet threat. To ensure survival of the global economy, Gilpin concludes, the United States and other major powers must recommit themselves to working together to rebuild its weakened political foundations.
Customer Reviews:
The Challenge of Global Capitalism: The World Economy in the 21st Century.......2006-11-05
Come in time for my college class. Arrived in excellent condition --- new book. Great price below campus book store prices.
To Free Global Capitalism or Too Free?.......2000-09-23
The main benefit of this book is to provide an overview of international economic forms of cooperation in the 20th century. That overview is, however, flawed by simplifications that often distort rather than illuminate that historical view. The argument about what must be done next is incomplete and unsatisfying. This book is written for the reader who has some college-level training in economics, and is interested in the interaction between national politics and international economics.
The basic argument is that free markets create excesses which can only be eliminated by international intervention. Such interventions were frequent and reasonably effective during the period just prior to World War I and in the free world after World War II. Professor Gilpin argues that parochial American leadership since the end of the cold war has undermined the international political system for stabilizing the international economy. He calls for stronger American leadership in forging a better coalition with the European Union countries and Japan.
The central thesis of the book is sound in one area: Unrestrained capital flows can create distortions in a world in which everything else (businesses, people, and trade flows) are not nearly so unrestrained. The problem here is that these rapid capital flows out of a country primarily occur because of years of earlier abuses (as I describe in The Irresitible Growth Enterprise) such as speculative spending on infrastructure and investments that are not needed (as happened in several Southeast Asian countries prior to their currency crises in 1998).
Virtually every problem that Professor Gilpin warns against and wants to solve with international authority is really created by poor national economic policies. We would probably create sounder world economic growth if we focused on encouraging all nations to pursue sound lending, appropriate national borrowing, and constructive trade policies (our attention is usually focused on the last). Where governments are weak or corrupt, abuses will always develop and linger. My counterargument would be that strong democracies will almost always pursue reasonably sound economic policies. Solve that problem of governmental form and effectiveness of political process at the national level, and the world economy will be sound. If this counterargument is right, then we may need a second generation of informational efforts in favor of effective democracy, in the same way that one was needed during the cold war through Radio Free Europe and Voice of America.
At another level, much of what is described here as weaknesses and problems can be attributed to weak currencies. Again, informational efforts and research could help countries with weak currencies appreciate how to strenthen those currencies. Certainly, pegging to stronger currencies is proving to be effective in many cases. Pegging to a basket of stronger currencies might work even better. There could even be a role for pegging to sound economic policies to change expectations, as some South American countries have done.
Many of the worldwide risks today relate to the U.S. trade imbalance. In the same way that greater public awareness and an economic boom led to eliminating the U.S. budget deficits, the trade imbalance can be solved. Again, this is a national issue, not an international one. The weak savings rate in the U.S. can also be solved by changing the tax laws, again at a national level.
Basically, the argument I am making is that the markets are having problems because national politics are impinging too much on free markets. In that regard, the free market of ideas that is democracy can then adjust the national politics to achieve more healthy, free market results. The U.S. should lead the way by improving the savings rate and reducing the trade deficit. That would take many of the strains off of the world economy, and create the basis for another ten years of economic boom in the United States. Can our U.S. politicians get together and work on this after the November election? I certainly hope so.
Another area where Professor Gilpin is misfocused is in his concern about the growth of trading blocs like the EU and NAFTA. Actually, these blocs are creating freer markets within them and are an unavoidable precursor to creating the same level of freedom internationally with all countries. If there were three trading blocs in the world, they would simply merge into one at some point. That would be progress.
Complexity science tells us that having many countries pursuing their own ideas of economic prosperity will work better than having an internationally coordinated system. And the more intelligent, responsive, and focused those countries are, the better the whole system will work.
After you have finished reading this book, can you think of other places where we rely on precedent too much in our thinking rather than potential? If you find any of this happening in your own thinking, how can you learn to seek out better solutions rather than simply aping past solutions?
Good start for a basic understanding.......2000-05-22
This is a higly readable and extensive survey of the major IPE issues facing Americans and the rest of the world today. It successfully analyzes and challenges the economists' arguments about the primacy of economics, or even economic theory, over politics or political science. This is an excellent book for someone just beginning to educate themselves about the nature and state of the international economy. It's significantly broad, but also does an excellent job of explaining complex phenomena. However, I have a few caveats. First, it moves too quickly and soflty over the larger issues, specifically, whether globalization has been helpful or harmful to the world polity. I agree with a previous review that it overestimates the threat of EU protectionism. In fact, he overestimates the threat of protectionism entirely. The greatest threat to, or promise against, globalization is the rise of social protest movements across the globe, being channeled in new ways not seen before. Therefore, I would urge most people to read this book, but then pick up either a contrarian book, like Grieder's One World: Ready or Not, or Globalization by Sasskia Sassen. Avoid Friedman's The Lexus and the Olive Tree at all costs.
reasonable overview for graduate students.......2000-05-04
Prof. Gilpin has an excellent reputation in the field of IPE, International Political Economy, and I bought this book on that recommendation.
It gives a good overview of major developments in the globalization and globalization debate in the 90s, with political economy analysis and lots of references to economic analysis. I would recommend it for graduate students, but I must say i was a bit disappointed, not much new or inspirational there. I could read the book very quickly without ever really having to stop and think. Here i think it is only fair to reveal my own background, which is in international economic relations and history of EU integration. Some of his points on the nature and development of the European Union and the economics are frankly quite contestable, especially on the openness or closedness of the EU. The debate on 'Fortress Europe' is really out of date by now ever since it became clear that the Single European Act of 1987 and the '1992' project were not about closing the EU economy, quite the contrary. Do I detect an US bias here?
Yes, as prof. Gilpin points out, economists indeed disagree on many key issues. But you will find that strife also within IPE and political science and in any other social science discipline. So? It reflects the complexity of the issues rather than weakness of the discipline, i'd argue (but then, I would would I, as an economist...) A number of problems in globalization and the international financial system are presented as (relatively) new, but I'd argue that more often than not these problems were always there in history. Also, the point that regionalization threatens globalization is too strong as put there, and not necessarily correct and so clear-cut at all: many regional economic agreements were made in the course of the Uruguay Round trade negotiations at GATT/WTO out of frustration with the slow pace of negotiations and as a 'back-up' plan in case of UR failure. Hardly a threat to globalization which, in any case, throughout history never really progressed smoothly at all.
All that said, the book does do a solid job of pointing out some of the main issues and discussions and it will do well as a topical reference book.
Global Capitalism = American Corporate Imperialism.......2000-04-30
America began opening it's markets to the world in the 1970's. Since then, as the economy has grown steadily, most Americans have seen stagnant wages and the country has seen an increase in all types of inequality. The idea that the problems can be fixed presupposes a will to fix them. There is none. A palliative to this claptrap would be Chambers Johnson's book Blowback.
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- Kelso
- How to save capitalism
- Ivory tower view.
- The Ownership Solution succeeds brilliantly....
- Cornucopia of philosophical and practical ideas.
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The Ownership Solution Toward a Shared Capitalism for the 21st Century
Jeff Gates , and
Jeffrey R. Gates
Manufacturer: Basic Books
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Democracy at Risk: Rescuing Main Street from Wall Street
ASIN: 0738201316 |
Amazon.com
Capitalism may have taken over the bulk of the modern world, writes highly regarded government and industry consultant Jeff Gates, but in its current incarnation it has created such dramatic inequities of wealth and power that more individuals than ever now feel detached from its inherent benefits and distrustful of its potential goals. In his revolutionary new book, The Ownership Solution: Toward a Shared Capitalism for the 21st Century, Gates outlines a wide-ranging plan to reverse this increasingly universal condition--and the result is a specific blueprint that, he argues, could easily be adopted around the globe. After bluntly describing precisely how things got to be the way they are, he straightforwardly explains how they could be reengineered to provide broad-based prosperity and true security for the disenfranchised in the U.S. and elsewhere (such as Europe, China, Latin America, and South Africa). Based on the premise that "contemporary capitalism is not designed to create capitalists, but to finance capital," Gates shows how today's "institutionalized indifference to the common good" might be reversed by public and private effort so that people and communities can regain control over their fates and subsequently work together for everyone's improved economic vitality. --Howard Rothman
Book Description
A bold and practical vision of how broad-based personal ownership can strengthen communities, businesses, and individuals
Capitalism now reigns triumphant-but in the process has created dramatic inequalities of wealth and left many individuals feeling disconnected. Backed by enthusiastic support from a wide array of legislators, corporate leaders, Nobel laureates, environmentalists, and social and political activists, The Ownership Solution shows how to humanize and localize free enterprise by using ownership as a means for engaging more people in its design.
Customer Reviews:
Kelso.......2007-06-26
Although it's archaic, I recommend an article called "Karl Marx - The ALMOST Capitalist" by Louis Kelso. Kelso praises Marx's intentions, and some of his insights, which would include the creation of the word "capitalism". He faults Marx for his reliance on Ricardo, and on their labor theory of value. Of course value -- what people will pay -- is determined by market forces and personal preference (more so with web-shopping), NOT by the number of man-hours required.
Further, Man (and woman), clumsy and inefficient compared to machines, are being rapidly obsoleted by systems that can think as well as build. WORK is becoming obsolete. Production and even Over-Production can be increasingly accomplished without workers ... but who will buy these products if most people must rely primarly on non-existent jobs for income streams? It's a logjam of prosperity!
Kelso points out that Marx was wrong about labor, Capital itself produces "surplus" value, just as labor does, but Capital (machines and systems) are primarily owned by a very small minority with access to credit or pre-existing wealth. However, while denouncing State ownership or even clumsy partial state redistribution of wealth, and rather than sticking with the classic paradigm which only permits redistribution of wealth via work, Kelso promotes a revamped BANKING and CREDIT SYSTEM to make possible widespread decentralized ownership of the means of production, creating income streams for everyone, not just a minority "leisure class". (I guess it's that or off to the ovens, if the new reality of abundance (replacing scarcity) renders your economic value less than the costs of keeping you housed and clothed and fed.)
I learned about Gates' book from a talk on Kelso and from Norm Kurland who is a pretty high-level muckety-muck. Kurland ran the gamut from military honors, to high-level positions in Washington, to street-level minority activism in the 60s, associations with USAID and meetings with Rick Santorum. What a spectrum, no slouches. Jeff Gates is in good company.
How to save capitalism.......2002-11-07
"The Ownership Solution" is written by Jeff Gates, one of the original forces behind the legislation that created employee stock ownership plans (ESOPs) in the 1970s. The book seeks to inspire decision makers and business leaders to build on the success of this innovative program. He proposes that similar projects should be launched with the goal of providing opportunities for employees and consumers to gain ownership stakes in the businesses in which they work and spend their money.
Gates argues that the increasingly finance-driven economy has changed the face of capitalism, a phenomenon that has accelerated in recent years. The author shows how the decisions made by detached financial managers results in a system that mainly rewards investors who, by definition, are already wealthy. The speed with which these investments can be reallocated purges the economy of do-good business managers who might choose to devote resources to so-called nonproductive means (such as worker benefits or environmental protections), meaning that workers and society consistently end up losers in this game. Gates believes that the resulting worker insecurity and the marginalization of ever-larger segments of the population ultimately threatens the long-term viability of our democracy.
In contrast, Gates believes that broadening ownership will allow more citizens to feel connected to their workplace and community. His proposals are imaginative but appear to be doable; in fact, some are being practiced in limited form in various places. Here, Gates' writing is at its best. You'll enjoy reading about how DSOPs, GSOPs, CSOPs, RESOPs, VSOPs and yes, ESOPs can help to revitalize the economy and repair our frayed society. Gates suggests that what is needed is the political will to promote these solutions on a larger scale in order to have greater impact and make a difference in people's lives.
Interestingly, a writer in Forbes magazine recently remarked in a condescending manner that ESOPs represent an odd mixture of capitalist and socialist ideas. This suggests to me that the idea has merit. A capitalism that only succeeds in rewarding the top executives of Enron and Citicorp with lavish pay-outs is not sustainable nor is it worth saving. But a capitalism that rewards hard-working employees and consumers with the greater prosperity that comes with earning an ownership stake, as envisioned by Gates, is certainly worth striving for. To that end, I heartily recommend Gates' book to all who are looking for ideas to help save capitalism and to secure the future of our society.
Ivory tower view........1999-10-15
The Ownership Solution by Jeff Gates could also be called Jeff Gates' Book of quotes. Mr. Gates, while clearly learned and well versed in the problems of the world, has failed to recognize that out of context quotes do not support his position. This also assumes you can decipher his position. Personally I found this book to wander, literally, all over the world. Peasants who bearly scratch out a survival existence will never understand or appreciate shared ownership. The human points of view and the individual's place on Maslow's hierarchy are totally ignored and are of critical importance to making Gates' grandiose dream remotely plausible. Gates himself pointed out huge failures in ESOPS. Why then, does he believe they are the solution of all of the earth's problems, from hunger to pollution, to overcrowding? I am baffled by the praise heaped on this book. Mr. Gates has apparently never worked with laborers. I was blessed with a summer on a road crew to open my eyes to a different world. At the end of each week, one of my co-workers talked, in more crude language, about getting paid, drunk, finding a prostitute, and taking whatever was left home to his wife. Many others were planning on joining him. Mr. Gates is probably one of those folks who don't understand why there is a supervisor on a road crew who does nothing but watch people work. Having been there I can tell him that the second the supervisor stops watching, much of the crew stops working. This is foreign to most people with an education and the drive to improve their lives. However, there are millions of people on the earth who perceive those with ownership of business as "not really working." Mr. Gates, in my opinion, never focuses on a single problem long enough to clearly state the problem and how his "solution" will work. He fails to recognize differences among people and he fails to make connections that he thinks will happen on their own. Why does he believe that if more people owned businesses that businesses would stop polluting, would cease creating dangerous products and by-products, and would suddenly be primarily focused on the good of the population? He is not talking about changing the face of business ownership, he is talking about changing human nature. He seems to think that if all of the employees owned the business, the leaders would do what is best for the employee/owners, their children, parents, cousins, and neighbors. United Airlines is one of his pet successes. Currently UAL is not seen in the greatest of light by anyone. Is this his vision for the future?
The Ownership Solution succeeds brilliantly...........1998-12-30
The Ownership Solution succeeds brilliantly in showing how broad based personal ownership can strengthen communities and make global sustainable development possible.
Cornucopia of philosophical and practical ideas........1998-12-30
How do we close a growing gap between successful owners and investors and an increasingly anxious underclass? One way would help - more participants in ownership! No one knows more about how that should be done than Jeff Gates and he offers his spectacular insight in this cornucopia of philosophical and practical ideas.
Book Description
What skills will be the most valuable in the coming century? How can our country ensure that all its citizens have a share in the new global economy? The author of The Next American Frontier addresses these questions in a trail-blazing new book that is certain to guide a generation of policy makers.
Customer Reviews:
Dated and Obvious, with some obvious flaws.......2007-06-17
This 1992 book by Robert B. Reich, a political economist at Harvard and a reputable policy wonk, purports to be about economies and globalization but is in fact about new business models. Reich lays out the case for globalization in a standard fashion and makes the case that American corporations aren't really American anymore - no surprise at all to anyone who has worked in a multi-billion dollar company recently.
Reich is filled up with words like "enterprise web" and "network", but these concepts are jaded to anyone who has been reading Fast Company and Wired Magazine over the last 15 years - in fact, Reich is a legacy of the dotcom bust generation. In this we have the advantage over him, in that we can read his work looking for the hubris of the `new economists.'
Reich identifies 3 new key players in the business world. These three are problem identifiers, problem solvers, and strategic brokers. He believes fervently that these three types of job holders will exist in the network or enterprise web as independent agents, making and shaking the world and being rewarded monetarily for it. He, for some unfathomable reason, believes that these people will constitute a majority of the white collar workers, and that everyone else will work at commoditized jobs. In other words, there will be some poor schmoes at the bottom whose access to the good life is increasingly marginalized. The view that the people and companies who actually deliver day-to-day, not the next keen iPod or Futon, but the houses we live in, the education of our children, the gas we burn in our cars, the organic food we eat - the view that these people are no longer economically important is ludicruous.
I'll keep the book because of the excellent first third that talks you through the rise of Nationalism in economic terms - its good history. Otherwise, this book is trendology or futurist prediction that misses the mark.
To understand the today's world.......2007-06-14
The future of capitalism and our economies, without pesimism, but realistic document
A read still relevent today..........2007-02-11
This book speaks to the reality of the modern economy and where North America is going. A shocking but real wakeup call!
Liberalism at its best and most accessible.......2005-10-01
The author of this book is a respected economist and also a former cabinet secretary in the Clinton administration. Published in the early 1990's, this book provides a short economic history of the US, describes the American economy at his time (the early 1990's) and what lies ahead for America. In it, Reich covers various topics such as: industrialization, outsourcing of labor, gap between incomes, the growth of financial markets in both the number of people involved, the sums of money involved, and the influence they have on world affairs, and the role of America in world economics.
He points out trends both harmful and beneficial to America, and prescribes changes that could help America, and the world. These include the traditional liberal stands of investing in education, securing healthcare and other social nets for the poor, protecting the environment, empowering workers, especially those at the bottom of the economic food chain, with greater power in their economic success,
The book is clearly written. Reich is clearly a Democrat, but the book is not partisan in its treatment, and he emphasizes the importance of government budgets and tax rates in economic policy. There were several items he should have placed more focus on; privatization of utilities, the growth of intellectual property and its effects on technological growth and individual rights, the spread of credit, and the parallel rise in bankruptcies. In all the book tends to look at the bright side, and offers many good points for political leaders current and future to consider.
Globalization 101.......2004-08-07
Although written way back in 1990-1, this book was prescient enough and insightful enough to still be relevant today. The trends Reich lays out -- toward globalization of capital, outsourcing of labor, the internationalizing of information through the internet and the growing Third World distrust of "American ideals" -- continue unabated in 2004 just as he said they would. He provides a clear analysis of why American hegemony in manufacturing evaporated in the '60s & '70s, and how this led inevitably in the '80s & '90s to the shrinkage of the middle class. He shows why the rich continue to get richer (through PACs) while the poor get poorer (through withdrawing from a system which continues to abandon them). Although the book is not overtly political, he exposes "Reaganomics," the trickle-down theory and their current euphemisms as self-aggrandizing pandering to political contributors. Contrary to some reactionary reviewers, Reich does NOT advocate a return to progressive income taxation (which created the biggest consumer boom in history), because he acknowledges it's too late for that.
Throughout, his text is very concise and direct, without an extraneous word.
He loses a star only for the last chapter, which is a utopian and not-very-convincing prescription for a way out of the morass. He no doubt felt a responsibility to provide some sort of solution after 300 pages of problems -- but his days with the Clinton administration immediately following the publication of this book may have disabused him of such easy answers.
Book Description
When the Soviet Union dissolved, so did the easy credit, cheap oil, and subsidies it had provided to Cuba. The bottom fell out of the Cuban economy, and many expected that Castro’s revolutionâthe one that had inspired the Left throughout Latin America and elsewhereâwould soon be gone as well. More than a decade later, the revolution lives on, albeit in a modified form. Following the collapse of Soviet communism, Castro legalized the dollar, opened the island to tourism, and allowed foreign investment, small-scale private enterprise, and remittances from exiles in Miami. Capitalism, God, and a Good Cigar describes what the changes implemented since the early 1990s have meant for ordinary Cubans: hotel workers, teachers, priests, factory workers, rap artists, writers, homemakers, and others.
Based on reporting by journalists, writers, and documentary filmmakers since 2001, each of the essays collected here covers a particular dimension of contemporary Cuban society, revealing what it is like to have lived, for more than a decade, suspended between communism and capitalism. There are pieces on hip hop musicians, fiction writing and censorship, the state of ballet and the performing arts, and the role of computers and the Internet. Other essays address the shrinking yet still sizeable numbers of true believers in the promise of socialist revolution, the legendary cigar industry, the changing state of religion, the significance of the recent influx of money and people from Spain, and the tensions between recent Cuban emigrants and previous generations of exiles. Including more than seventy striking documentary photographs of Cuba’s people, countryside, and city streets, this richly illustrated collection offers keen, even-handed insights into the abundant ironies of life in Cuba today.
Contributors. Juliana Barbassa, Ana Campoy, Mimi Chakarova, Lydia Chávez, John Coté, Julian Foley, Angel González, Megan Lardner, Ezequiel Minaya, Daniela Mohor, Archana Pyati, Alicia Roca, Olga R. RodrÃguez, Bret Sigler, Annelise Wunderlich
Customer Reviews:
Lets get to the point.......2007-02-28
Cubans are under communism a.k.a SLAVERY. Cubans are not allowed to be independent in any way including economically, they are forced to depend on a very useless government despite how mediocre it may be, is a control tactic. After Castro outlawed (stole) all private property and with this destroyed the Cuban GDP and economy he solely depended on the money the U.S.S.R gave him directly which at the end amounted to billions to keep Cuba a Russian satellite nation, when this disappeared in '89 Castro was scared and in mid 90's opened Cuba to tourism to bring in money.
Everything is state owned still, so his grip is the same, he allows Cubans to make and receive SOME level of money since he owns all stores and necessities it will be his money at the end, as soon as Cubans start to operate outside the government, show independence and start creating a needed industry he strikes. Again, it is slavery, once you realize this everything is so clear. Lets recall that in '58 just a year before Castro, Cuba had the largest middle class per-capita not only in the Caribbean but in Latin America. Just a look at todays crumbling Havana more than reveals that this was a first world style metropolis unlike any other in a long radius; also, all those Chevrolets to Cadillacs still around from its capitalistic days more than shows proof of a past strong middle class.
Cubans have been submerged in necessity and poverty and Cuba has been falling to pieces ever since Castro took power. So ask yourself, where did all the Russian billions of $$$ go? They went to his Swiss bank account and in efforts to export his revolution; remember Grenada, Angola, the Salvadorian Civil War,etc. And where did the Colombian guerrilla got trained and supplied in the 60s and 70s? Cuba was the name. Is not about the embargo is about who is in control and truly embargoing the Cuban people. Is not about a cup half-empty or half-full is about go is drinking the water. To be more imformed check therealcuba site.
Simply enjoyable, fascinating, and easy to grasp.......2005-12-29
I very much enjoyed the simplicity and ease with which the various authors skated through the many cities and shared such encounters of colorful locals. Interspersed is a little history that is easy to grasp and enjoyable. The many articles provide varied perspectives of life in Cuba today.
The half full or half empty glass?.......2005-09-21
"Capitalism, God and a Good Cigar" by Lydia Chavez (editor) is a collection of 14 essays about life in contemporary Cuba. The book provides an intimate look at the experiences of ordinary Cubans as they struggle to define themselves in what appears to be a country that is positioned somewhere between socialism and capitalism. In that light, the book tantalizes the reader with the possibility of Cuba's transformation into a new and unique kind of socialist or capitalist state, depending on one's own perspective.
The authors present some of the many contradictions that abound in contemporary Cuba. For example, while articles such as "Four Women Survive Manzanillo" by Alicia Roca makes it clear that many citizens live impoverished lives, "Life on the Margins" by Julian Foley discusses how Cuban entrepreneurs are profiting from an underground economy that feeds off the officially-sanctioned tourist trade. Yet, the dollars earned by the government through tourism helps to finance popular universal educational and medical programs that benefit all of Cuba's citizens to a degree not found elsewhere in Latin America. One wonders if it will be possible for Cuba to finance its social programs through for-profit tourism without individualism and the lure of profit resulting in a breakup of the social compact.
As in any collection, there is variability in quality. Possibly the weakest article was "Hip Hop Pushes the Limits" by Annelise Wunderlich. In my view, the author's bemoaning of the difficulties that young rap artists experience while trying to cash in on their talents tends to trivialize the debate about capitalism versus socialism. More problematically, she recognizes that Cuban rap music has gained critical and popular international acclaim but misses the point that this success is attributable to the fact that Cuban music is produced by artists living within a socialist country and therefore is viewed, rightly or wrongly, as a more authentic expression of rage against the capitalist machine compared with rap music produced elsewhere.
Fortunately, the "Hip Hop" article is a rare moment in a book that is otherwise abundant with excellent content. The Introduction entitled, "Adrift: An Introduction to Contemporary Cuba" by Lydia Chavez provides excellent context and analysis to prepare the reader for the many articles that follow. Some of my favorites include: "Dancers Who Stretch the Limits" by Ana Campoy presents the triumphs and heartbreaks of ballet as practiced in revolutionary Cuba; "Socialism and the Cigar" by Daniela Mohor discusses the success of Cuba's socialist cigar factories in producing world-renowned products while providing benefits to its workers; "Authors Who Knew or Know the Limits" by Ezequiel Minaya draws on interviews with prominent writers who have struggled with Cuba's sometimes Stalinist repression of free expression; "Cubans Log on Behind Castro's Back" by John Cote describes how Cubans gain access to the Internet in a country with limited technological resources and government controls; and "The Spanish are Back" by Megan Lardner discusses the volatile but increasingly necessary relationship between Spain and Cuba, with an emphasis on the effect Spanish investment is having on reviving the Cuban economy.
I highly recommend this intriguing book for anyone interested in contemplating the question of whether the contemporary Cuban experience represents a glass that is half full or half empty -- and whether that glass might ultimately prove to be socialist or capitalist.
Amazon.com
Economists, practitioners of the dismal science, are little known for their compassion or their profundity, but Robert Heilbroner, author of The Worldly Philosophers, displays both in this sweeping study of the state and future of capitalism. Based on lectures delivered at Massey College, Heilbroner's book argues persuasively that the public sector, far from being a drag on the marketplace, can be "an indispensable source of strength;" that the death of Communism, not just an unalloyed cause for celebration, represents in some ways the end of the ideals of egalitarianism and community; and that there is "a limit beyond which acquisitiveness no longer serves, and may well disserve, the adaptability of the order." A book everyone concerned about more than their next paycheck should read.
Customer Reviews:
As an Introduction to the Economic Future, It's Just the Thing.......2006-04-30
People who want to improve the world soon doubt the usefulness of the newspaper. For depth and quieter contemplation they turn to thin, portable volumes that superficially make contact with all facets of a social sciences discipline. Heilbroner's 21st Century Capitalism is just the thing. It names the major economists of capitalism and describes the last 150 years of the trajectory in economics. It is true that the narrative is cast in a certain gloom. The work of an economist is a doctor's work, not an inventor's. He does not announce with fanfare new dawns, that is not the economist's calling. Trudging through the evidence, the economist diagnoses the ailments and prescribes the remedies. Heilbroner's prognosis for capitalism is burdened with the same pessimisms all of the great economists carried. After tribalism, after feudalism, this bipartite system (part market, part government) offers: to numb the minds of the manufacturing plant worker, to create inexorable conflict between wage earners and the wage skimming entrepreneur, and to produce cultural deterioration in the hands of the newly arisen bourgeosie. This story drives us to nostalgia, so we look back on Heilbroner's time itself. The 1980s and the post-Persian Gulf War era seemed to presage reduced productivity and slow growth. It didn't happen, but the long-term trajectory Heilbroner observed remains the underlying condition, for capitalism and for triumphalist American capitalism in particular. The reader should not read this book looking for predictions, a search to which the futurist title can lead. None of the major events of 1973-1993 had been predicted, as Heilbroner says, so he plays it conservatively, pointing out the probable parameters of the future and the conditions in which certain developments may occur. Read him for the language and for the depth and even the feeling to his authoritative contemplation.
Capitalism's gigantic challenges.......2004-05-07
Robert Heilbroner is a brilliant teacher. With clear and concise explanations he reveals the essential characteristics of our capitalist society as well as its historical background.
Capitalism is based on eternal exchange (money for commodities for money ...) and change (products, means of production, jobs ...).
It engenders also multiple conflicts. In our world there is global economic integration but political compartmentalization (individual states). It enhances the cleft between the haves and the have-nots and it produces externalities like pollution (global warming).
Although this book contains some controversial points (exaggerated alienation suffering by workers, projection of a world wide centrally planned economy), I agree with its conclusion that capitalism will survive the 21st century. It has found a new fertile elan in new formidable markets like China and India.
Robert Heilbroner states that capitalism can only survive in a democracy, but that could be fatally contradicted by the Chinese experiment.
Surely, world capitalism will undergo drastic changes, being confronted with such crucial problems as global warming, delocalization of work forces, the redefinition of the role of the national public sector or the power of international organizations.
It will also provoke radical changes in world power. The new winner will most probably be China, because India has to resolve the Hindu/Muslim controversy and the 'classes' hurdle.
This small book is a must read for all those interested in the future of our world.
About the Real Long Run.......2001-06-21
This is a book that reiterates a lot of the work in "The Decline of the Business Civilization" also by Heilbroner but in the 1970's. The purpose of the book is not to give anything in the way of short run economic prediction (like upswings in the stock market) but instead to attempt to step out of the capitalist mindset for a minute to explore what it means to be in a capitalist society. This includes the costs and the benefits. The purpose is to try to determine what possibilities exist for economic systems in the future by understanding what forces will shape them. This analysis includes discussion of economic and political forces, the tension between the two, and yes of course Marx.
A pessimistic view by an educated socialist.......2000-04-20
21st Century Capitalsim, published in 1993, fails to capture the enthusiasm of current market trends. Heilbroner does present an interesting development of the different aspects of economies, ranging from Traditional (un-developed countries), Command (20th Century Communism) and Capitalism. He draws heavily from past economists such as Adam Smith and Keynes, but fails to support his predictions with recent examinations of the economy. Perhaps when he wrote this book, the US stock market had not fully rebounded from the 1992 recession. I would recommend this book for those seeking an extremely verbose and pessimistic view of future economics. For those who wish to read a book with a positive view of the future and some concrete suggestions on how to prepare for the revolutionary changes ahead, I would recommend Harry S. Dent JR's "The Roaring 2000's".
Book Description
Everyone knows what organized crime is. Each year dozens of feature films, hundreds of books, and thousands of news stories explain to an eager public that organized crime is what gangsters do. Closely knit, ethnically distinct, and ruthlessly efficient, these mafias control the drugs trade, people trafficking and other serious crimes. If only states would take the threat seriously and recognize the global nature of modern organized crime, the FBI's success against the Italian mafia could be replicated throughout the world. The wicked trade in addictive drugs could be brought to a halt.
The trouble is, as Woodiwiss demonstrates in shocking and surprising detail, what everyone knows about organized crime is pretty much completely wrong. In reality the most important figures in organized crime are employees of multinational companies, politicians and bureaucrats. Gangsters are certainly a problem, but much of their strength comes from attempts to prohibit the market for certain drugs. Even here they are minor players when compared with the intelligence and law enforcement agencies that selectively enforce prohibition and profit from it. Woodiwiss shows how respectable businessmen and revered statesmen have seized these opportunities in an orgy of fraud and illegal violence
Customer Reviews:
Ganster Review.......2006-07-31
Great read, thoughtful, informative well written and a must read for any one intrested in making the earth a better and less corrupt place to live in.
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- State-Directed Development: Political Power and Industrialization in the Global Periphery
- Strategic Planning for Public and Nonprofit Organizations: A Guide to Strengthening and Sustaining Organizational Achievement, 3rd Edition
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