Book Description
Dr. Hayek is world-famous for his valuable contributions to the field of economics as well as to the disciplines of philosophy and politics. This volume represents the second of Hayek's comprehensive three-part study of the relations between law and liberty. Here, Hayek expounds his conviction that he continued unexamined pursuit of "social justice" will contribute to the erosion of personal liberties and encourage the advent of totalitarianism.
Customer Reviews:
Worthwhile sequel to The Constitution of Liberty.......2004-12-18
The following passage sums up the entire book quite well: "[I]n...a system in which each is allowed to use his knowledge for his own purposes the concept of `social justice' is necessarily empty and meaningless, because in it nobody's will can determine the relative incomes of the different people, or prevent that they be partly dependent on accident. `Social justice' can be given a meaning only in a directed or `command' economy (such as an army) in which the individuals are ordered what to do; and any particular conception of `social justice' could be realized only in such a centrally directed system. It presupposes that people are guided by specific directions and not by rules of just individual conduct. Indeed, no system of rules of just individual conduct, and therefore no free action of the individuals, could produce results satisfying any principle of distributive justice...In a free society in which the position of the different individuals and groups is not the result of anybody's design--or could, within such a society, be altered in accordance with a generally applicable principle--the differences in reward simply cannot meaningfully be described as just or unjust." (pp. 69-70)
As with Robert Nozick (and with John Locke before them), justice is for Hayek a matter of process rather than results.
Law, Legislation, and Liberty was intended as a sequel to The Constitution of Liberty, in that Hayek wrote it to "fill in the gaps" that he felt existed in his argument in that earlier work. He wrote and published Law, Legislation, and Liberty on and off over a time-span of approximately 15 years (early-mid 1960 to mid-late 1970s), which were in part interrupted by ill health. Hayek admits that the result is at times repetitive and lacking in organization. The reason why he did not go through the effort of redoing the entire work upon completion is because he thought he might at that rate never finish it (he was 80 years old by the time volume 3 was published).
There are still plenty of great insights, which Hayek argues persuasively and in doing so manages to portray as common sense. There are also plenty of flashes of that true rhetorical brilliance characteristic of Hayek that can make his writings such a feast to the ear and mind. On the downside, however, these rhetorical gems are hidden in a large volume of pages that at times do indeed seem tedious, repetitive, and unorganized, unlike with The Constitution of Liberty, where they literally seem to jump off the page at you. All in all, read The Constitution of Liberty first, as Hayek himself suggests. And if you're not up for reading the approximately 500 pages that make up the complete Law, Legislation, and Liberty, two chapters (30 pages total) in the book The Essence of Hayek make for a comprehensive summary exposition of the ideas in the entire trilogy ("Principles of a Liberal Social Order", ch. 20 in The Essence of Hayek, covers vols. 1-2, and "Whither Democracy?", ch. 19, covers vol. 3).
Readable Hayek.......2004-01-13
Don't be put off from reading Hayek just because some authors and reviewers say his work is complicated and technical.Most of Hayek's writings are edited versions of speeches he has given to various audiences. His work is very readable, and I have found enormous benefit from just reading a chapter at one reading, and taking the work up again at another time.
Hayek's work should be found in both the classroom and on the coffee table.
F.A. Hayek does it again... The Wisdom of an Old Whig.......2002-04-29
Today, it seems everyone from Patrick Buchanan to Jessie Jackson are extoling the ideal of "social justice." But where did this insidious concept emerge. In the third and final installment in Hayek's Law, Legislation and Liberty series, Hayek delivers a knock out blow to the the notions of "social justice" or "distributive justice." He examines its socialistic roots and intellectual origins, which ensued after the egalitarian fervor in post-1791 Europe. He critiques new economic and social policy, which has emerged in the wake of the "social justice" phenemenon.
Book Description
In Economic Justice and Democracy Robin Hahnel argues that progressives need to go back to the drawing board and rethink how they conceive of economic justice and economic democracy. He presents a coherent set of economic institutions and procedures that can deliver economic justice and democracy through a "participatory economy." But this is a long-run goal; he also explores how to promote the economics of equitable cooperation in the here and now by emphasizing ways to broaden the base of existing economic reform movements while deepening their commitment to more far reaching change.
Customer Reviews:
News from Nowhere.......2007-07-09
The late Victorian artist William Morris wrote a short novel about a man waking up one morning into a socialist world. He was transported instantaneously into a new cultural and economic world where coins and money were artifacts suitable only for display in a museum. Robin Hahnel's book is a counterpart to this utopic dream,
but unlike fantasy, it is a thorough struggle and wrestling with the idea of how to transition from a competitive and profit-oriented economic system to a system based on need and cooperation and human sensitivity. He deals with history of socialist movements, past and present, small and large, with reforms in taxation, labor standards, labor bargaining power, global imbalances, living wages; and he covers the anticorporate and environmental and consumer-producer cooperatives and poverty movements. It is thorough. Admittedly it would be better just to wake up one morning into that utopia, but this book is about the next best thing. I am grateful he wrote it.
A brilliant, comprehensive re-casting of democratic socialist ideas for the Twenty-First Century.......2007-03-09
This book fully deserves to become a key text in college courses on issues of economic justice and democratic political theory. Based firmly in the important, although historically neglected, libertarian socialist tradition, this text is an exceptionally comprehensive critical appraisal of late capitalism and the various attempts to create alternatives to it.
Robin Hahnel's principled, committed, non-dogmatic and thoroughly people-oriented approach to political economy is a refreshing and much-needed reboot on issues of democracy and justice that are still suffering the after-shocks of Cold-War era entrenched positions. Hahnel's socialism is of the thoroughly democratic variety that rejects both the compromise of essential principles for the sake of power that has often characterised social democracy, as well as the rigid, dogmatic positions of the authoritarian Left. The result is a powerful and convincing argument for a radically democratic model of society governed more fully "by the people and for the people", born of a flexible, pluralistic and principled approach to political-economy.
Readers of this book would also benefit from reading Michael Albert's "Parecon".
Book Description
If not capitalism, then what? Something's not working, but there's a dearth of material on what could be right - and more important how to change things. Laying out strategy & vision for his "participatory economics," Albert argues that we must change the way we view work & wages and restructure our workplaces so that everyone can become involved in controlling their working lives. The third in his "Forward" books is written in clear language and will be of interest to those just beginning to question capitalist logic & to experienced activists. Using real-world examples, Albert offers today's political discontents a valuable tool.
Michael Albert is a co-founder of both South End Press and Z magazine and lives in Woods Hole.
Average customer rating:
- excellent reading on solutions to the global mess
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Globalizing Civil Society: Reclaiming Our Right to Power (Open Media Pamphlet Series, 4)
David C. Korten
Manufacturer: SEVEN STORIES PRESS
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The Post Corporate World: Life After Capitalism (BK Currents)
ASIN: 1888363592 |
Customer Reviews:
excellent reading on solutions to the global mess.......1998-11-24
Writing a short book on the global economic and social situation means you have to simplify, and this can be tricky. Korten wrote a large book (When Corporations Rule The World) where he studied the key arguments in detail. I think this enabled him to now write a pamphlet that organizes the key arguments for a more democratic a more participatory society in a very didactic way. The global mess we have created may be complicated, but in fact the alternatives are fairly simple, and Korten presents them with art.
Amazon.com
After nearly a decade of bull markets, Americans have come to equate free markets with democracy. Never one for mincing words, social critic Thomas Frank, editor of The Baffler and author of The Conquest of Cool, challenges this myth. With his acerbic wit and contempt for sophistry, he declares the New Economy a fraud. Frank scours business literature, management theory, and marketing and advertising to expose the elaborate fantasies that have inoculated business against opposition. This public relations campaign joins an almost mystical belief in markets, a contempt for government in any form, and an "ecstatic" confusion of markets with democracy. Frank traces the roots of this movement from the 1920s, and sees its culmination in market populism as a fusion of the rebellious '60s with the greedy '80s. The overarching irony is the swapping of roles--suddenly Wall Street is no longer full of stodgy moneygrubbers, but cool entrepreneurs "leaping on their trampolines, typing out a few last lines on the laptop before paragliding, riding their bicycles to work, listening to Steppenwolf while they traded." Meanwhile, "Americans traded their long tradition of electoral democracy for the democracy of the supermarket, where all brands are created equal and endowed by their creators with all sorts of extremeness and diversity." Frank's close reading of the salesmen of market populism nails such financial gurus as George Gilder, Joseph Nocera, Kevin Kelly, and Thomas Friedman. Their writings, he contends, have served to make "the world safe for billionaires" by winning the cultural and political battle--legitimizing the corporate culture and its demands for privatization, deregulation, and non-interference. Frank's incisive prose verges on brilliant at times, though his yen for repetition can be exasperating. In either case, his boisterous reminder that markets are fundamentally not democracies is worth repeating as the level of wealth polarization in America reaches heights not seen since the 1920s. --Lesley Reed
Book Description
One Market Under God is a cogent, fiercely entertaining, and often scathing assault on the institutions and pretensions of the new capitalist order and the tyranny of the almighty market.
At no other moment in American history have the values of business and the corporation been more nakedly and arrogantly in the ascendant. In
One Market Under God, social critic Thomas Frank examines the morphing of the language of American democracy into the cant and jargon of the marketplace. Combining popular intellectual history with a survey of recent business culture, Frank traces an idea he calls "market populism"-the notion that markets are, in some transcendent way, identifiable with democracy and the will of the people. The belief that any criticism of things as they are is elitist can be seen in management literature, where downsizing and ceaseless, chaotic change are celebrated as victories for democracy; in advertising, where an endless array of brands seek to position themselves as symbols of authenticity and rebellion; on Wall Street, where the stock market is identified as the domain of the small investor and common man; in newspaper publishing, where the vogue for focus-group-guided "civic journalism" is eroding journalistic independence and initiative; and in the right-wing politics of the 1990s and the popular social theories of George Gilder, Lester Thurow, and Thomas Friedman.
Frank's counterattack against the onslaught of market propaganda is mounted with the weapons of common sense, a genius for useful ridicule, and the older American values of economic justice and political democracy. Lucid and intellectually probing,
One Market Under God is tinged with anger, betrayal, and a certain hope for the future.
Customer Reviews:
revealing.......2007-01-06
although it seemed a bit repetetive at times, this book was right on. i guess it seemed that way to me because everything was so intertwined. Many thanks to pbs for bringing this author to my attention.
Very Worthwhile.......2006-08-14
If you want to know how the economy really works and who is really in charge, read this book. You don't need to agree with all of the author's conclusions, but the the facts and arguments presented are very compelling.
Solid thoughtful, nails our national policy failures in a big way.......2006-08-02
This is a very serious book, one that any candidate for President would do well to read, especially so the centrist candidates willing to announce that both the Democratic and Republican parties have sold the public into slavery to corporate fascism.
In summary, the author documents in detail how the Reagan Revolution, and especially the firing of the air traffic controllers and the wrongful use of military air traffic controllers as "union busting" scabs, eliminated the counter-vailing force of labor unions, at the same time that government deregulated and abdicated its responsibility for a social safety net, the media converted into advertising with a "news hole," and corporations lost all moral and social standards.
He deconstructs the "New Economy" in persuasive detail and caused me to re-evaluate some of my earlier readings, especially of Kevin Kelly and others in the WIRED generation who articulate with blind faith the democratic value of the network, but fail to see, as Robert Samuelson and this author would have us understand, that outsourcing is union busting, and the actual effect of the network has been to make it possible for corporations to outsource middle class jobs while importing poverty through illegal immigration. The net loser is the Nation, because one of its most important sources of national power, an educated engaged citizenry, is being sold short.
The author is brutally on target when he points out that corporations have achieved a slight of hand in disconnecting labor from the value of created wealth, claiming much more management value (to the point that CEOs make 400 to 1000 times what their workers make, up from 25 times long ago). He also points out that the democratization of the stock market is code for what Mark Lewis called, in "Liar's Poker," "exploding the client. The smart money rides the early surge and then sells out to the middle class dreamers, who end up losing 80-90% of their value over time.
I have a note in the flyleaf that this book is "quite extraordinary, almost breathtaking in scope, with a compelling array of well-ordered facts."
Overall, while many will not like the term "corporate fascism" and the author prefers to use "extreme capitalism" while others discuss immoral and predatory capitalism, or "class war" (see my review of Faux's "The Global Class War" and, somewhat less solid but still good, Pabast's "Armed Madhouse" (dispatches from the front lines of the global class war). The sorry reality is that Americans have been lulled to sleep like sheep for a slaughter, and do not seem to appreciate the fact that there has been a MASSIVE theft of public capital through what this author calls "the Wall Street tax" on America.
The greatest strength of the book is how the author documents the calculated and comprehensive manner in which Wall Street and the evangelical right came together to turn reality on its head, and persuade everyone including blue collar workers that it was okay to break the social contract with labor, and that what is good for Wall Street is good for America and its workers. In fact, as the author points out repeatedly, when workers get laid off, Wall Street stocks go up. His entire review reminds one of Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman's classic "Manufacturing Consent." Public relations has been used in a classic manner by American corporations, to include penetration of teen-age sub-cultures and the manipulation of teen-age desires. In Europe they consider public relations to be, according to this author, advanced corporate lying.
The author draws an excellent connection between the "blind faith" that keeps the corporate illusion of free trade on the table, and the "blind faith" that led Dick Cheney to depose George Bush and invade Iraq without regard to the policy process, accountability, or reality. America is in the grip of a very destructive combination of corporate ideology, religious ideology, and political ideology.
The author is properly and comprehensively critical of the media for failing to do its job. Journalists, a few exceptions aside, have become "filler." The author excels at picking Tom Friedman apart, and at mocking the Wall Street Journal for idiocy in print.
The book ends on a sobering note, where the author points out that reality has a way of unmasking ideological pretensions in a most painful manner. He specifically suggests that George Bush Junior (he does not mention Cheney) will go the way of Herbert Hoover in the history books. Reality--that's what one White House staffer is reported to have said had no relevance, because this White House "creates its own reality." Yes it does--a reality of greed and theft and immorality at the top, poverty and disease at the bottom, and a loss of American honor around the world.
First class thinking and writing. A really strong book.
Enlightening romp through a decade of idiocy.......2006-05-07
From John Perry Barlow to Virginia Postrel, from _Liberation Management_ to _Who Moved My Cheese?_, from dot-com millionaires to cult stud academics, Thomas Frank summarizes, contextualizes, and debunks a decade's worth of pro-business propaganda. The major theme, he argues, was the concept of "market populism", the notion that The Market was far more democratic than actual democracies, doing whatever their copious focus groups had determined the people wanted. Frank, a serious supporter of genuine democracy, skewers their absurd myths and provides some insight into the harm they did to working people.
The Democracy Bubble.......2006-01-17
If there were two overall themes guiding this book, I'd say it was these:
During the late 1990s, it was pretty obvious that a rising tide was not lifting all boats. And for a very long time now, conservative and many liberal economists, business owners, investors, business writers and assorted pundits have equated democracy with the ebbs and flows of the free market.
I've never read What's The Matter With Kansas or The Baffler before. My introducation to Frank came through this book with it's marathon chapters, sometimes repetative thesis', and thoroughly damning evidence of our nation's continuing problems with a form of tulip mania and the delusion that a janitor/schoolteacher/truck driver playing the stock market with a few shares has economic parity with someone like Warren Buffett.
The title itself is an interesting look at the subject matter here: free market economics has long been a dogma among Americans. We are told time and time again that collective bargaining, state investment, and regulations over wages will lead us down the path to destruction. Also, supposedly, if we allow the foxes to guard the henhouse, someday we can all be rich.
Frank points out that this isn't a new ideology but it has become more and less popular over time. The end of the 20th century resembled the beginning more than any other time; the middle class was slowly eroding and obscene wealth consoled obscene lack of wealth with idea that even if you're living in poverty, you can just make a couple of smart investments, spend wisely, and the idea of the American Dream will be fulfilled and you'll get wealthy.
This might all seem painfully obvious, but Frank deserves credit for actually documenting it.
Average customer rating:
- Another famous ancient Greek philosopher.
- Politics Defined
- The irony of me calling Aristotle's work average is not lost on me.
- In the name of Iran
- A Must Know For All Who Desire To Vote!
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The Politics of Aristotle
Peter L. Phillips (ed. and trans.) Simpson
Manufacturer: The University of North Carolina Press
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The Republic (Penguin Classics)
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The Prince (Bantam Classics)
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Leviathan (Penguin Classics)
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Nicomachean Ethics
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The Republic of Plato
ASIN: 0807846376
Release Date: 1997-02-26 |
Book Description
A touchstone in Western debates about society and government, the Politics is Aristotle's classic work on the nature of political community. Here, he argues that people band together into political communities to secure a good and self-sufficient life. He discusses the merits and defects of various regimes or ways of organizing political community—democracy in particular—and in the process examines such subjects as slavery, economics, the family, citizenship, justice, and revolution.
Peter Simpson offers a new translation of Aristotle's text from the ancient Greek. He renders the Politics into an English version that is accurate, readable, and in certain difficult passages, original. His innovative analytical division of the whole text, with headings and accompanying summaries, makes clear the progression and unity of the argument—a helpful feature for students or readers unfamiliar with Aristotle's studied brevity and often elliptical style. Books 7 and 8 are repositioned—a move supported by Aristotle's own words and much scholarly opinion—to restore the work's logical organization and coherence. Finally, Simpson places the Politics in its proper philosophical context by beginning the text with the last chapter of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, which he sees as an introduction to what follows.
Download Description
Examines the way human societies are governed and organized. Aristotle establishes how constitutions can be upheld and established by examining how societies are run. An extremely exciting work in the history of politics. This book easy to read in true text, not scanned images that can sometimes be difficult to decipher. This ebook has bookmarks at chapter headings and is printable.
Customer Reviews:
Another famous ancient Greek philosopher........2007-01-24
Perhaps I've been reading too many ancient Greeks and Romans, and certainly too many treatises on ancient politics, but I had a great deal of difficulty getting through this book. Aristotle is a very well-known philosopher and a student of Plato. This book outlined his views on politics, and he quite blatantly goes against a lot of what Plato and Socrates said, but his ideas make sense, especially for the time and place when they were written. It was interesting to compare his ideas to those of Plato since I just finished reading Plato's Republic. I think at heart, I'm more in agreement with Aristotle than with Plato.
Politics Defined.......2006-08-22
Perhaps it is not accidental that the work of the Aristotle, the student who explored so clearly and deeply all the externals and interactions of nature and Man, is recorded as tedious, repetitious, complex lecture notes while Plato the teacher who tried to find all the answers within the confines of his own head is recorded as lucid, lively dialogue. Aristotle the rube was evidently too busy observing, cataloging, teaching - living, to write it all down in an organized coherent whole while Plato the aristocrat was at first desperate to capture all he could remember then to expand upon the works of his revered master, Socrates, trying desperately to walk in his sandals. I think maybe with Aristotle there was just too much material, to much to know, and the thing he did best was know. So here is the country boy with that horrible Macedonian accent but regal connections come to study at the Academy, to learn from the very best, and in the end, the thought he produces far surpasses all that the best laid before him.
How is the community of Man best organized? That is the concern of Aristotle's "Politics". Plato had more or less just conjured up an ideal "Republic" based on his interpretation of Socrates. But that was not enough for Aristotle. He traveled, he learned, he catalogued everything and human organization and systems of government were at the top of his list. And he did this traveling analysis at a unique time when all possible permutations of human social organization were up for a try, from the dynamic democracy of the tiny city-state to the decrepit tyranny of the Persian Empire. With this catalog, he could not just conjecture as to what government might work best but make solid statements of fact about the consequences of various human organizations and recommendations about what works best under what circumstance. And we live with the result of his systematic pursuit. As one reads (or re-reads) this the very foundation of Western political thought, images of Madison flipping pages of a well warn and well loved edition to find a particular passage as he pens drafts of the Constitution of the United States of America flash by time and again. The result of his obvious reference to Aristotle was a thriving republic that has grown and flourished providing freedom and the possibility of a good life for millions. What grew from Plato was the horror of the Soviet Union. But I have betrayed my prejudice. One must read both and in order, Plato first to discover the thoughts that inspired Aristotle's questions then Aristotle to find the answers.
That said, I must reiterate, this book is exceptionally tedious, repetitious and complex (though not intellectually difficult). Thousands of people have made careers analyzing it and commenting on it. It is not for everybody but Mortimer Adler's "Aristotle for Everybody" is. That book is a brief, well written compendium, a distillate, of all we have of Aristotle. To go through a life and not read at least that is to miss some of the best thinking ever done by a human.
The irony of me calling Aristotle's work average is not lost on me........2006-07-24
Yep, I feel way over my head giving Aristotle three stars, but I'm throwing in my two cents anyhow.
This book is an incredible window into another time. Aristotle's views on a number of topics (women and slavery come quickly to mind) stand out so opposed to our beliefs today that it's almost worth reading this book just to get some perspective on how new some of the social ideas we take for granted really are. Getting that sense of perspective is truly the best part of this book.
That said, there is little here beyond that for anyone but a student of philosophy or someone engaging in a very serious study of the history of government. Very little of what Aristotle says rings true today and at times it's as if he went to the future and decided to predict the exact opposite of what's come to pass.
If you are a layperson looking for a classic on government, I recommend Plato's Republic. While it is even older than Aristotle's work, it is filled with insights that feel as if they must have been written in modern times. That is a truly inspiring feat of thought and foresight.
In the name of Iran.......2006-04-04
In this book Aristotle discussed different kind of state and what would lead to corruption of a state. Aristotle believed no one should rise against their state. Every one had to remian submissive toward state.
A Must Know For All Who Desire To Vote!.......2005-01-29
Aristotle's constitutional theory is the most important aspect of this book. Every high school world history should become familiar with the 6 forms of government that Aristotle identifies, and every college poli-sci student should commit Aristotle's analysis into their core knowledge.
Of course Aristotle lived in a time when social norms were different. Much of what he writes applies to a different age, but the constitutional theory of government remains a timeless set of observations -- especially important in our times.
Book Description
Until now, Friedrich Nietzsche’s influence on the development of modern social sciences has not been well documented. This volume reconsiders some of Nietzsche’s writings on economics and the science of state and in doing so pioneers a line of research not previously available in English.
Here, twelve scholars consider Nietzsche’s historical and contemporary relevance, which has ranged from the highly serious (Schumpeter writings on creative destruction) to the pop cultural (the early works of Ayn Rand). Several papers present strong evidence of Nietzsche as an influencer of modern economists; others see him more as an influencer of influencers; and one sees little influence at all. Most of the contributions refer extensively to works previous unpublished (or poorly translated) in English.
The editors do not intend to present a thorough overview or definitive description of Nietzsche’s place in economics. Rather, they hope to initiate conversations and research that explore the role this much misunderstood philosopher/cultural critic may have played, or perhaps should play, in the history of economic thought.
Book Description
In this bold new book, political scientist John Ehrenberg critically analyzes the rise of an ideologically coherent Right. He dissects their themes of military weakness, moral decay, racial anxiety, and hostility to social welfare to reveal their central organizing objective of protecting wealth and assaulting equality.
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The Civic Minimum: On the Rights and Obligations of Economic Citizenship (Oxford Political Theory)
Stuart White
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
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ASIN: 0198295057 |
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Many governments today are engaged in far-reaching programs of 'welfare reform'. But what would a just program of welfare reform consist in? Is the current emphasis on linking welfare 'rights' to 'responsibilities' justifiable? In this book, Stuart White reconsiders the principles of economic citizenship appropriate to a democratic society, and explores the radical implications of these principles for public policy. According to White, justice demands that economic cooperation satisfy a standard of 'fair reciprocity'. Against a background of institutions that are sufficiently just in other respects, those citizens who share in the social product have an obligation to make a productive contribution back to the community in return: every citizen should 'do her bit'. While prominent in the work of many past egalitarian thinkers, this duty to contribute has not received much attention in recent political theory. White seeks to redress this neglect, and to show why and how the claims of reciprocity should be integrated with other important concerns that have featured more prominently in recent literature. These include the concerns to prevent brute luck disadvantage and economic vulnerability. From the standpoint of fair reciprocity, it is not necessarily unjust to link welfare rights with the performance of work-related responsibilities. But the justice of such a linkage depends on how far economic institutions meet other requirements of justice. In policy terms, fair reciprocity thus calls for a generous 'civic minimum' in which work-related welfare benefits are complemented by other policies designed to prevent poverty and vulnerability, secure opportunity for meaningful work, and eliminate class-based inequalities in educational opportunity and inherited wealth. In concluding, White contests the fashionable view that egalitarian reform is unfeasible in contemporary circumstances. The philosophy of fair reciprocity provides the basis for a new public conversation about economic citizenship, in which all citizens - not just those currently amongst the welfare poor - are encouraged to confront their responsibility to others.
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Reclaiming Democracy: The Social Justice And Political Economy Of Gregory Baum And Kari Polanyi Levitt
Manufacturer: McGill-Queen's University Press
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- Letter to a Christian Nation
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- Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939
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- Numerical Methods in Economics
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- One-Handed in a Two-Handed World (Second Edition)
- Optoelectronics: An Introduction (3rd Edition)
- Pilgrim at Tinker Creek
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- Martha Stewart's New Old House
- Notes on Tradescantia
Law, Legislation and Liberty, Volume 1: Rules and Order
Law, Legislation and Liberty, Volume 3: The Political Order of a Free People
The Constitution of Liberty
Individualism and Economic Order
The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek)
