Book Description
Bennett-Alexander and Hartman’s, Employment Law for Business, 4/e, addresses law and employment decisions from a managerial perspective. It is intended to instruct students on how to manage effectively and efficiently with full comprehension of the legal ramifications of their decisions. Students are shown how to think and analyze employment law facts using concrete examples of management-related legal dilemmas without clear-cut solutions. The methods of arriving at resolutions are emphasized, so that when the facts of the workplace problem are not quite the same, the student can still reach a good decision based on the legal considerations required by law, which remain relevant.
Customer Reviews:
ok, not great.......2007-08-05
I liked this law book because it has shorter versons of cases for quick lookup. What I hate about this book is that it doesn't list laws like ADA, Title VII, etc. in their entirety. It speaks about parts of them, but doesn't list them for you to read yourself.
One-sided approach to regulation.......2004-08-04
I would have preferred a text that merely reported employers' compliance obligations in an objective manner, rather than portraying employers as the enemy. I generally found the text to be highly politicized and, to some extent, anti-management. This book does little to bridge the gap between the business community and academia.
Employment Law for business.......2004-01-07
As an attorney, manager, and teacher of human resources professionals, I recommend this book. I found that thie information was thoroughly researched. I also appreciated that the legal information was presented in a business context so that managers who are not lawyers could understand the information and readily appy it to real life workplace problems.
Useful Book........2003-06-22
This is an interesting,informative and useful book. I used it for school and it will be one book that I keep. Great case studies.
Employment Law.......2003-02-17
I think the book is so liberal and it advocate large government. Freedom is not through following the forced laws like affirmative action, ADA, etc. but having a choice especially in employment. Employer should have the say on what they want and who they want to work and not work. The book pretty much tells you that this is the law and its good for you ,so follow or else.
That is socialistic.
We are giving more power to the government to tie us down with more laws and regulation. Their responsibility is to protect the citizens and not to do business. That's for the private sector.
Book Description
The second edition of this well-received text blends coverage of traditional topics with modern theory and developments into a superb text by one of our top Labor Economists. The author's current experience at the Kennedy School of Government allows him to incorporate new policy examples and a leaner presentation of the theory.
Customer Reviews:
Without question the BEST Labor Economics text ever!.......2002-12-19
This is truly an amazing work, which shows so many models of labor market phenomena at the undergraduate level that an undergraduate's economics education is incomplete without it. This book is essential reading for both undergraduates and policymakers who want to learn labor economics, economics in general, or have a deeper understanding of public policy issues. The best features are its unmatched explanations of human capital models, labor market discrimination models, and labor union models -- which will change the way you think of these issues and give deeper understanding. The book is both concise, deep, a quick and fun read, and makes Nobel-prize winning material accessible to any undergraduate or policy maker.
All about Labor Economics.......2001-07-30
George Borjas in this book deal the basic of de Labor Economics, it's very usefull for the pre-grade student and it's preleminary to introduce in the labor world (academic). It's good but it's necesary to complement with anothers advanced books for a improve vision.
Book Description
In America's long march toward racial equality, small acts of courage by men and women whose names we don't recall have contributed mightily to our nation's struggle to achieve its own ideals. This moving book details the story of one such little-noted chapter.
In the late 1940s and early 1950s, as Jackie Robinson changed the face of baseball, a group of African-American businessmen -- twelve at its peak -- changed the face of American business by being among the first black Americans to work at professional jobs in Corporate America and to target black consumers as a distinct market.
The corporation was Pepsi-Cola, led by the charismatic and socially progressive Walter Mack, a visionary business leader. Though Mack was a guarded idealist, his consent for a campaign aimed at black consumers was primarily motivated by the pursuit of profits -- and the campaign succeeded, boosting Pepsi's earnings and market share. But America succeeded as well, as longstanding stereotypes were chipped away and African- Americans were recognized as both talented employees and valued customers. It was a significant step in our becoming a more inclusive society.
On one level, The Real Pepsi Challenge, whose author is an editor and writer for The Wall Street Journal, is a straightforward business book about the birth of niche marketing. But, as we quickly learn, it is a truly inspirational story, recalling a time when we as a nation first learned to see the strength of our diversity. It is far more than a history of marketing in America; it is a key chapter in the social history of our nation.
Until these men came along, typical advertisements depicted African-Americans as one-dimensional characters: Aunt Jemimas and Uncle Bens. But thereafter, Pepsi-Cola took a different approach, portraying American blacks for what they were increasingly becoming -- accomplished middle-class citizens. While such portrayals seem commonplace to us today, they were revolutionary in their time, and the men who brought them into existence risked day-to-day professional indignities parallel to those that Jackie Robinson suffered for breaking baseball's color line. As they crossed the country in the course of their jobs, they faced the cruelty of American racial attitudes. Jim Crow laws often limited where they could eat and sleep while on the road, and they faced resistance even within their own company. Yet these men succeeded as businessmen, and all went on to success in other professions as well, including medicine, journalism, education, and international diplomacy.
Happily, six of these pioneers lived to tell their stories to the author. Their voices, full of pride, good humor, and sharp recollection, enrich these pages and give voice to the continuing American saga.
Customer Reviews:
Intriguing history of Pepsi's pioneering black community sales initiatives .......2007-10-18
Today, ad posters featuring African-American models are standard corporate practice. But during the 1940s, the Pepsi-Cola Company broke new ground when it ran ads featuring black middle-class families and community achievers. Stephanie Capparell creates an engaging account of Pepsi's push to integrate its sales staff and customer base. Using insightful interviews and exhaustive research, Capparell provides a detailed portrait of segregation, economic challenges and corporate intrigue. Given the book's vast amount of information, a timeline and a list of key players would have helped readers navigate the crowded cast of executives and events. But that's a minor oversight in an otherwise excellent book. We highly recommend this intriguing saga to all students of corporate history, sales, advertising and racial politics.
A slice of history, well-told.......2007-02-21
What a fascinating book! I grew up in the 1960s when Pepsi and Coke were almost synonymous. Little did I know that the decade or so behind me had produced such a romp over the cola fields.
Stephanie Capparell's book, "The Real Pepsi Challenge" is terrific in many ways. She highlights the years circa 1947-1951 when Pepsi president Walter Mack, liberal and determined, set about to put together a team of black Americans to appeal to the burgeoning buying power of a group of people who represented a percentage of Americans equal to the entire Canadian population. Capparell then goes on not only to highlight the chief operating force for a team of twelve under the direction of the talented Edward F. Boyd but how they managed to be successful at a time when Jim Crow laws were still in effect and Jackie Robinson was just emerging. These men, talented, educated and from a variety of backgrounds, perfectly captured by the author, moved Pepsi-Cola within striking distance of rival Coca-Cola. It's an American success story at its best.
The thrust of "The Real Pepsi Challenge" concerns those post-war years and Capparell is at her best when she mirrors the times and the difficulties the team had in going out in the field. Given the times, her references to advertising and societal concerns are eye-popping. Subsequently, she gives a follow-up as to the new owner's decision to disband the group, and what happened to them after some of them left Pepsi, but others stayed.
"The Real Pepsi Challenge" is a highly recommended book. The author has done a great job in putting together the recollections of those who worked for Pepsi and how they connected with the era in which they lived. Congratulations, Ms. Capparell!
Book Description
For the first time in over twenty-five years. the issue of poverty -- and our failure to deal with it -- is back at the top of the policy agenda and on the front page of the news. In this magisterial overview social historian Michael B. Katz, examines the ideas and assumptions that have shaped public policy from the sixties War on Poverty to the current war on welfare. Closely argued and lucidly written. The Undeserving Poor transcends the barriers that have channeled the American discussion of poverty and wealth into a narrow, self-defeating course, and points the way to a new, constructive approach to our major social problem.
Customer Reviews:
Sort of.......2001-03-08
In the United States in 1960 there was significant poverty. Twenty percent of the population had not seen a doctor and there were some areas in which people did not have enough to eat.
Kennedy and Johnson after him instituted programs aimed at combating these problems. The involved the development of a medical system for the poor and other programs aimed at increasing the disposable income of some of the poor. These programs were reasonably successful and dropped the infant mortality rate by 35% and pretty much ended hunger. The Democratic Party had never been a Labor or Socialist Party and the author suggests that these programs were in part a attempt to gain the black vote.
During the Nixon years it was briefly proposed to end administered welfare programs and to replace them by case payments for people whose income fell below a defined amount. The policy was a suggestion of Milton Friedman. The advantage of such a policy is that it is cheap to administer and gives the recipients more freedom. In the end this change was not enacted.
From that time on there has been tremendous pressure on welfare that over time has seen a reduction in the scope of programs. The American system is different to a large number of wealthy industrial countries. America has a social security system that provides assistance to the aged and some relief to the unemployed. For those who have not contributed to this scheme there exists "welfare" which provides targeted aid involving some income supplements in the form of food stamps and medical assistance. Welfare is limited to a narrow range of people generally single mothers. The payments are low and require the recipient to be in some paid employment.
This climaxed in the 1980's with the election of Reagan. America had been going through difficult economic times with foreign competition decimating the manufacturing sector. Surveys show that most workers who were displaced from manufacturing jobs never retained the wage levels they experienced before being made redundant. Most welfare dependants were black single mothers. It was easy to attack them as a group suggesting that their dependant position was based on their morals rather than anything else. The Democratic Party conceded the contest and made no attempt to argue for a just and fair society. At that time a number of nutty right wingers published a number of books suggesting that welfare was bad for the poor and should be abolished as a favor to them. These gave some semi intellectual justifications for what went on.
The book is very much a literature survey of the various periods. It has some figures and describes the mechanics of programs but basically describes texts that deal in general theories rather than facts. In reality it is a rather poor polemic rather than anything else. It is not the sort of thing which would challenge the belief of the right and it provides not the avalanche of statistical material which might get the uncommitted thinking. It is a book for the already converted. A far better book is "It takes a Nation" by Rebecca Blank.
Book Description
Designed as an introduction to general economics for non-majors, Sharp/Register/Grimes’ text presents economic concepts as useful tools to analyze contemporary social issues. The book may also be used to supplement principles courses. The Economics of Social Issues has garnered a loyal user following for its timely and impartial handling of current social issues which dominate newspapers and television news. While the issues are contemporary and the supporting information updated, the authors remain objective.
Customer Reviews:
Good introduction to applied economics.......2006-12-04
This is an introductory policy economics book. The principal weakness of this book is that it does not give a solid explanation of economic theory, and it will probably be a bit basic for anyone who has taken even separate introductory courses in microeconomic and macroeconomic theory. The book appears to be designed to stand alone as introductory economics textbook for non-economics majors. What little (very little) economic theory is needed to understand this book is explained within, but it is not enough to meet even the needs of introductory class economics class for business or economics majors. Political science majors might find this book useful for giving them an introduction to the economic issues at hand in education, unemployment, free trade, government spending, social security, and other areas (such as the business of big sports). Importantly, the authors seem to come out with new editions often, so they are hopefully keeping up to date on the issues.
This book will give someone as solid a foundation as can be achieved wihtout really learning economic theory, which makes me think that it would be best for people studying a political or policy-related field. It could perhaps be used in a serious economics class, provided sources of more in depth information are also used.
Wrong Edition.......2005-07-06
I am supposed to get 16th edition, instead I received 15th edition. The book was completely changed from the previuos edition
outstanding introduction to economics.......1999-03-18
this is an outstanding book for those who want to know more, but not too much more, about economic thinking. modern examples and applications make the book easy to read, for a university text.
Book Description
Once America's "arsenal of democracy," Detroit over the last fifty years has become the symbol of the American urban crisis. In this reappraisal of racial and economic inequality in modern America, Thomas Sugrue explains how Detroit and many other once prosperous industrial cities have become the sites of persistent racialized poverty. He challenges the conventional wisdom that urban decline is the product of the social programs and racial fissures of the 1960s. Probing beneath the veneer of 1950s prosperity and social consensus, Sugrue traces the rise of a new ghetto, solidified by changes in the urban economy and labor market and by racial and class segregation.
In this provocative revision of postwar American history, Sugrue finds cities already fiercely divided by race and devastated by the exodus of industries. He focuses on urban neighborhoods, where white working-class homeowners mobilized to prevent integration as blacks tried to move out of the crumbling and overcrowded inner city. Weaving together the history of workplaces, unions, civil rights groups, political organizations, and real estate agencies, Sugrue finds the roots of today's urban poverty in a hidden history of racial violence, discrimination, and deindustrialization that reshaped the American urban landscape after World War II.
In a new preface, Sugrue discusses the ongoing legacies of the postwar transformation of urban America and engages recent scholars who have joined in the reassessment of postwar urban, political, social, and African American history.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent history of urban decline.......2007-07-18
This was required reading for a graduate course in American history.
Thomas J. Sugrue attempts to prove that resistance to the civil rights movement had much deeper roots than the white backlash of the 1960s and 1970s. The author contends that resistance to the civil rights actually emerged as opposition to the New Deal coalition. Urban, anti-liberal, northern whites, as well as corporate leaders, unionists and politicians limited the possibilities of reform. Sugure maintains that northern urban white workers initially were the "backbone" of the New Deal coalition. And they found a common cause as the New Deal unified varied constituents in America. Yet, Sugure argues that underneath the seeming unity of the new coalition, were unresolved questions of racial identities. These unresolved issues began to fester, and were then exacerbated by liberal policies, specifically, public housing. And it is here that Sugure places the ''white rebellion" against the New Deal and liberalism, in the urban north.
From the 1940s until the 1960s, Detroit's racial geography changed dramatically. Sugure refers to Detroit as a "magnet' for African Americans after World War II, due to the lure of the defense and
automobile industries. When increasing numbers of African Americans began to search for housing in the predominantly white sections of the Detroit, racial tensions began to increase. Post World War II was described at "dark ages of Detroit." Riots and white flight occurred, coupled with a decline in the Detroit's post war economy. As layoffs mounted, and a national housing shortage, white homeowners feared foreclosure on their homes, as the economic ability to own home became increasingly precarious.
Sugure claims that race and housing became inseparable in the minds of white Detroiters. Basically, he contends that white homeowners feared that the influx of blacks would ruin their fragile economic security. Familiar racial fears and myths emerged; blacks were associated with crime and vice. White Detroiters even cited Jim Crow as a model for "successful race relations." In response to the "black invasion" and their increased economic stability, working class whites began to form neighborhood associations. Essentially, these associations were political organizations aimed at stymieing black constituents from moving into white neighborhoods. Sugure contends that these associations espoused the notions of values, protection, achievement and tradition, and were aimed at paternalistically protecting the neighborhood from vice-ridden blacks. They also served to foster a sense of "whiteness" among members (silent majority etc). These organizations corresponded with public officials and real estate agents (who played to both black and whites) to block African Americans from certain neighborhoods in various ways, including violence and intimidation.
By examining this, I believe the author uncovered a very prominent theme in American history and politics. What should be the level of government assistance in a capitalistic society? In this specific case, should the government have supplied urban housing for its poorer constituents, or should it have upheld the rights of privacy and association of its more affluent constituents? The affluent white constituents criticized the government when it tried to "force people" (blacks) down their throats," they cried for their freedoms of privacy and association, yet they called on that same "tyrannical" government to aid them in blocking the settlement of African Americans in their neighborhoods. Sugrue hits on this contradiction but does not pursue it. Which constituents should the government help and when should it help them? When is the government infringing on the rights on its citizens, and when is it fighting to uphold their rights? A fine line is drawn and illustrated by the struggle in post war Detroit.
I think the author is extremely misleading when he discusses the "black invasion" of Detroit. He presents blacks as a stifling, crime-ridden, vice infested monolith. I understand the aim of the article was to examine the position of the urban white class, but nonetheless, the quotes the author uses to describe migrating blacks is extremely derogatory, and in some cases, the author makes the white backlash almost seem justified. The black race is not a monolithic entity, no race is. I believe Sugrue should have at least written a few sentences dispelling the notion of the "black invasion" as a monolithic entity.
In summation, Sugure challenges the historian to probe deeper when trying to locate the backlash to the civil rights movement and liberalism. Instead of just viewing it narrowly as southern whites, Sugure contends that resistance developed among a very unlikely group, a group which initially formed the "backbone" of the New Deal coalition. Yet, as the housing shortage pressed, old racial tensions flared up and urban, working class whites banned together to resist liberalism and the "black invasion" in the 1940s and 1950s, a generation prior to the civil rights movement.
Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, civil rights history.
Bad thesis but a story that still needs to be looked at.......2006-12-17
Sugrue takes a look at one of the crisis to hit not only Detroit but the rest of the country in his book on race and inequality. While there have been a lot of disturbing factors that have occurred during urban renewal Sugrue takes his text a little far. His flagrant bashing of urban planning gets old after the first two chapters and the book tends to drag on. This is an important issue that bears further studying but hopefully it will be done in a more academic way. This book does have all the information you need to start studying the subject and is a good way to begin looking at urban renewal.
How a Frightening Economic Powerhouse Became Just Plain Frightening.......2006-08-29
In 2005, Detroit looks more like a city awaiting reconstruction after a series of aerial bomber raids than the dynamo of manufacturing it was at the close of the Second World War. The combinations of white flight, race riots, massive deindustrialization by the automotive industry and the industries attached to it coupled with chronic unemployment and discrimination and racism in nearly every facet of life did a great a deal to make Detroit the wasteland it is today.
Thomas J. Sugrue's short study of Detroit, from the late 1930's through the 1970's is an attempt to understand the structure of Detroit's decline in racial, political, economic, and sometimes spatial terms. Through analysis of all these factors, Sugrue creates a cogent explanation of why so many formerly industrial cities of the United States are increasingly poorer, blacker, and more hopeless about their future with every passing year.
Sugrue sees the problems of Detroit stemming from a multiplicity of conscious and unconscious decisions made on the part of local and national government officials, corporate boards, union leadership, neighborhood associations, and self-interested individuals in day to day life. This is nothing new in the study of post-war urban and industrial decline. What is new, and rather eye opening, is that Sugrue traces the beginnings of Detroit's economic woes to be nearly co-terminus with the war and not after the disastrous riot of 1967. This analysis is incredibly important for understanding how a massive black underclass with only minimal connections to the job market came into existence, and expanded, in the 1950's.
By a combination of discrimination and bad luck, a large number of black workers missed out on the relatively high paying automotive jobs that allowed huge numbers of white blue collar workers to aspire to home ownership and middle class respectability. For a small number of black workers who were able to find auto jobs immediately before or during the war some measure of job security and the upward mobility. This was not the situation of most black workers though. Without the benefits of seniority, most often confined to jobs that were made redundant by automation or plant movements and closure, black workers were most likely to be the victims of the vagaries of Detroit's labor market. The vast body of black workers most often found themselves getting the hot end of the economic poker.
Sugrue's analysis of race and the meaning of postwar liberalism is the most succinct and cogent portion of the work. One of the great conundrums post-war Detroit politics with overwhelming presence of the militant and fighting union UAW-CIO could not prevent housing segregation from becoming so thoroughly entrenched. In recounting the wartime and post war fights over public housing, Sugrue points to the dual identities that white male union members had as rank and filers and bread winning home owners tenuously holding onto newly won middle class status and their own whiteness.
The part of Roman Catholic identity is something Sugrue finds to be very important to the territorial fights that occurred in residential Detroit, as well as the grass roots neighborhood organizing which occurred in white neighborhoods--both factors he identifies as being woefully under analyzed. Through Sugrue's descriptions of neighborhood attempts to stop racial turn over, or the pernicious practice of "block busting" by opportunistic real estate agents, the reader is privy to seeing grass roots mass mobilization which would have most likely have formally adopted segregation if there had been legal means to do so. The housing battles of the forties and fifties were a grim precursor of white working class abandonment of the city proper and savage and complicated forms of inequalities that plague the rust belt today.
One of the most interesting portions of Sugrue's work is his analysis of how the automotive industry, in line with a great many other industries the country over, left the cities in the Northeast, Middle Atlantic and Midwest portions of the country--cities whose advantages laid in their location vis-à-vis lakes, rivers, or railway hubs. In line with Cold War planning which expected major metropolitan areas to be first strike targets by the Soviets, and because of the massive highway system built during the Eisenhower administration, it became possible for industry to disperse over greater distances than ever before. Facing the prospect of negotiating with militant unions in urban areas with powerful allies in public offices at every, much of the auto industry was more than happy to relocate to areas where unions were either weak or simply not organized--after 1947 the Taft-Hartley act made this much simpler as even Southern states with strong union presence enacted "right to work" legislation.
Mixing national security rationales with a great deal of pecuniary interest, Sugrue recounts how huge sections of the automotive industry simply left Detroit without the slightest concern for what their departure would mean for the future of the city. Sugure shows how the UAW and other Detroit area unions were possibly lost a golden opportunity to redefine corporate responsibility when they did not oppose shareholder and corporate prerogatives about the free movement of property anywhere they pleased. Although any union would have had a difficult time attempting to halt the movement of corporate property from one area of the country, no international union gave their support to stopping what the militant members of Detroit's UAW Local 600 called the "Runaway Shop," and we call deindustrialization. Some restrictions on the free flow of corporate property may have insured that Detroit's colossal unemployment of the late twentieth century would not be so colossal and seemingly intractable.
The Origin of the Urban Crisis is possibly the most solid book on why so many areas of the United States sit in utter ruin today. The analysis of Detroit he gives can be extended de-industrialized cities in every region of the country with their largely black and poor inner cities and their outlying more prosperous suburbs.
a grad student.......2005-11-30
Sugrue's thesis in this book is that endemic racism (along with economic decline) is responsible for Detroit being largely Black, poor and greatly in decline. He's a revisionist historian who wants to refute older narratives that Detroit is corrupt (because all the city governments after 1967 have been run by Democrats and Blacks). Instead he attempts to refute that by showing the deeply ingrained racism in the community.
Sugrue's attempt at political polemics is bad history. He fails to mention the obvious: Detroit is over-taxed and run by incompetent, corrupt politicians. It's public unions have caused government workers to be some of the highest paid in the country with little to show for it. This is thanks to former-Mayor Young who instituted an arbitration law. To pay for this, the city's taxes are exorbitant which pushes businesses further out. Because of this, Detroit never found other businesses to take the place of the declining auto-industry which has inflated pay for its jobs in the first place.
Of the past three mayors, two have been highly corrupt. Archer who was mayor in the '90s, after a distinguished career in the state Supreme Court, tried to reform the city but was kicked out of office. Young and the current mayor, Kilpatrick, are very corrupt. Just do a google news search of "Kwame Kilpatrick" and "corrupt" and you'll see the various scandals that have plagued him. Other than stealing city funds for himself and his family he turned down a $200,000,000 private gift to the city for charter schools because the teacher's unions were against it. Young, mayor in the '70s and '80s, made room for a GM plant by confiscating private land through eminent domain. Few could understand why he buldozed tax producing land when he could have given over acres of abandoned property, except that the residents of that neighborhood voted overwhelmingly against him.
Yes, white people with means fled Detroit for the suburbs. But Sugrue glosses over that fact that middle class Black residents left as soon as the could too. Southfield, a surburb township, is overwhelming Black and middle class, populated by those who couldn't stand the crime and corruption of Detroit.
Far from being an example of a typical post-industrial American City, Detroit is the exception. It should be held up as a prime example of how not to run a city. That being said, unless you've been assigned this book, don't read it. Sugrue gives excuses and vague general reasons (aka racism) for Detroit's decline when the real problems are staring him in the face
Well researched, well written.......2004-01-03
The Detroit metropolitan area today is arguably the most racially segregated region in the United States, with a primarily African-American, largely abandoned and dilapidated urban center surrounded by layers of primarily white, affluent suburbs. This book is essential reading for anyone who lives in southeast Michigan as well as other cities that have similar histories of industrialization, urban decline and concentrated poverty such as Cleveland, Gary, Philadelphia, and South Chicago.
Thomas Sugrue provides a thoughtful, well-researched, and fascinating analysis of systematic racial inequality in Detroit during the post World War II automotive industry boom of the 1940s through deindustrialization and "white flight", and ending with the catastrophic race riots of 1967. Sugrue avoids the current, common oversimplifications of blaming Detroit's urban crisis on the '67 riots or Mayor Colman Young by weaving together a complex story of human behaviors, fears, and incentive structures backed by data, references, and personal accounts: "By the time Young was inaugurated, the forces of economic decay and racial animosity were far too powerful for a single elected official to stem."
Sugrue's analysis provides insight to understand major groups of stakeholders and their interactions: Workers flocked from the southern states to Detroit seeking relatively high-paying automotive jobs. In the free market, resulting housing shortages allowed landlords to divide properties into tiny apartments and charge premium prices, protecting their investments by being selective in their choice of "low risk" white tenants. Bankers also preferred "low risk" clients, resulting in unequal access to funds. White home owners, wanting to protect their families and financial investment, resisted neighborhood integration to avoid declining property values and perceived dangers. Real estate agents capitalized on fears of mixed neighborhoods by buying property from fleeing whites at junk prices and selling immediately to blacks at premium prices. Labor unions protected seniority, which unequally benefited whites, and tended to compromise on racial issues in order to gain bargaining ground. Store owners avoided hiring black workers, wishing to avoid offending or frightening mostly white, mostly female, customers. Suburban tax incentives and new technology made large, flat assembly plants more efficient than the old multi-story plants. This drove automakers away from Detroit, where the rail and riverside real estate was largely developed, and contributed to unemployment and race and class polarization.
Racial inequality in Detroit stems from complex social systems of incentives and categorical isolation caused by systematic inequality in access to employment, housing, networking and other resources. Recognizing the complexity of this social system helps the reader understand how individuals who fail to actively oppose racism actually support it, and why official "race-blind" policies fail to stop the polarization caused by chain-reactions of systematic, historic, self-reinforcing racial inequalities and the ruthless self-interest of capitalist culture.
Book Description
CAPITALIST NIGGER excels as an explosive and jarring indictment of the Black Race. Capitalist Nigger: The Road to Success (Timbuktu Publishers, September 17, 2000) asserts that the Black Race, is a consumer race and not a productive race. Says the author, Chika Onyeani, "We are a conquered race and it is utterly foolish for us to believe that we are independent. The Black Race depends on other communities for its culture, its language, its feeding, and its clothing." "Despite enormous natural resources," according to the author, "Blacks are economic slaves because they lack the "killer-instinct" and "devil-may-care" attitude of the Caucausian, as well as the "spider web economic mentality" of the Asian." The author is not afriad to use the most hated word, the 'N' word as a title of his book. He says, "It is not what you call me, but what I answer to, that matters most." The further asserts that "Blacks are economic slaves. We are owned lock stock and barrel by people of European-origin ... I am tired of hearing Blacks always blaming others for their lack of progress in this world; I am tired of the whining and victim-mentality. I am tired of listening to the same complaint, day in day out - racism this, racism that. It's getting us nowhere." "Africans have a stance, 'live for today, let tomorrow take care of itself and be damned' attitude," the author says. "We've become a sheep-like consumer race that depends on other communities for our culture, language, feeding, and clothing. We've become economic slaves in Western society." CAPITALIST NIGGER reserves its harshest criticism for African leaders, who according to Onyeani, have allowed Europeans and others to pillage and plunder Africa's wealth, without anything to show for it, other than more starvation, disease, and dictatorships. "We have as little today than when most of the African countries received independence from their colonial masters," Onyeani says. CAPITALIST NIGGER is an anguished cry to the Black race to wake up, stand up and move on." "We must abandon the victim mentality baggage that we've carried for so long: the notion that somebody owes us something," the author says. "We've got to stop whining and stop begging. The Black race needs to wake up and stand on it's own feet." Says Onyeani, "We need to recognize and learn from others what it takes to succeed. We need to adopt the "devil-may-care" attitude and the "killer-instinct and whatever-it-takes attitude" of the white Caucasian, and the "spider web economic mentality" of the Asian."
Customer Reviews:
Review from an Angolan in the Diaspora.......2007-06-24
This book is the ultimate insult coming from one of its own. But history has shown that these traitors have always existed for its own self gain. A scribe that attempts to motivate its own peole by the negative, therefore insulting. It is an insult to the people that fought for the dignity of Africa and its peoples: Patrice Lumumba, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah, Agostinho Neto, Samora Machel, Amilcar Cabral, Robert Mugabe and others that fought against the powerfull colonialists Portuguese, French, Belgians, Spanish supported by the American imperialism.
To add insult to injury he does not acknowldge any credits to Africans that reconquered independence and dignity, he rather accepts that Africans received independence from its masters. He mixes inteligence with unscrupulous copying of intelectual property by suporting those who have no respect for innovation of any sort. Africans are artistically innovative, no copists.
The handful of people he admires were pirates called navigators by their supporters; they were rapists, slaves traders but called evangelists spreading christianity by force, Bible in one hand spade in the other, against Christ own words and denegretating indigenous believes. They were without the shadow of a doubt superior in technology, organisation skills, germs and guns but not in inteligence. There is enough research and literature available to demonstrate that the reason for dominance was a set of circunstances not inteligence, but I abstain from letting this person know where that published information is. It would be useless. It would be like asking Hitler to read the Communist Manifesto. It was a set of circunstances that gave them superior advantage called by the author "killer instints". The author is calling us to become barbarians.
It is no surprise that he receives support from self interested groups of people that see in this individual a support for their racist theories. The book is not supported by any historical investigation and its is a load of garbage.
We as people have existed for thousands of years of which the last 500 have been under foreign dominance. 500 years is little time by comparision with our remote brilliant past and by comparison with what the future promises. It will probably after our time on earth that we regain full dignity but if I see the author in the other world I will simply walk past with disdain.
Another Perspective.......2006-12-28
Had this book been written by a white person,he would have been crucified.I'm a South African and I experience what Onyeani is writing about on a daily basis.Athough I'm white,this book is painful to read.
The book came to my knowledge about two months ago and I do not know what kind of a stir(if any)it caused when it was first published.The danger inherent to this book is that it may be abused by militant right-wingers,but anyone doing that would loose sight of the fact that the book was written by an Afro-American and that it is an outcry aimed at Afro-People everywhere to get off their duffs and to be Capitalist Niggers-you have to read the book to understand this expression-and to stop being passive,waiting with cupped hands for the seemingly endless hand-outs.
If one looks at Africa:where are the success stories,the lasting democracies?(Except,hopefully and perhaps,South Africa)I agree with Onyeani-Africa is a beautiful and bountiful continent and it's high time that all its people manage it to its full potential and not run it into the ground as is the case currently,eg,Zimbabwe which became a pathetic,sad,broke and broken country run by a madman 20 years after the 'colonialists' left.
White or not,it's my fervent wish that Oyeani's call to Afro-People everywhere to become Capitalist Niggers,is heeded-it will be to the ultimate benefit of all the people of all races.
About race,race relations and what's wrong with the world in general and Britain in particular,check out THE LIGHT'S ON AT SIGNPOST by GEORGE MACDONALD FRASER,the chapters titled 'Angry Old Man'.Compulsive reading.
Interesting Read.......2006-08-25
This is an interesting book on the economic and social situation of Africans in Africa and the diaspora. The author is very critical of the economic underdevelopment and dependence of African peoples on other races. He ascribes this to inferiority complex and lack of self-confidence and self-discipline in the ability of African peoples to be world-renowned successful entrepreneurs, industrialists, scientists and engineers. He cites several examples of ineptitude by African leaders with the resource rich African continent being heavily debt-ridden with nothing to show where the money went.
Onyeani believes that by following the capitalist path and doing so aggressively, resolutely, persistently and with confidence, it should be possible to uplift the African race from the bottom layers of society where it is largely settled.
It is easy to dismiss Onyeani's ideas as just rantings of a frustrated African but this introspection is a critical first step towards the mental and economic emancipation of the African race. One can accuse the author of advocating a system of "capitalism" which is inherently oppressive and exploitative and is a creation by the Caucasian race which tends to contradict his basic message. However, such thinking misses the basic point that African needs to catch up or surpass the other races in building a better community characterized by prosperity, progress, mutual assistance and support and unity.
Required Reading For All African American Teenagers.......2006-07-19
I went to the store to purchase "White Guilt" but they were out. I purchased this book instead and I cannot tell you how happy I was to read it. It took me 2 days to read it and then I read it again just to let it all soak in. This book uncovers the secret (at least the secret from African Americans) to be succesful. It should be required reading of all AFrican American teenagers age 16 and up. He explains how India and Koren immigrants to this country have acheived more than blacks have and they we should not whine about White People holding us back because by doing so, you CANNOT be focused on becoming an Economic Warrior, i.e., a Capitalist Nigger.
Buy this book for yourself and instead of money or pen sets for graduation gifts for high school and college graduates, make this your standard gift to them. They will appreciate it for years to come.
I would also suggest reading "Breaking the Chains of Psychological Slavery" by Na'im Akbar. It is the perfect book to accompany "Capitalist Nigger." Really, they both should be required reading for African American teenagers.
He's right on it.......2006-07-05
I thought the book gave a raw and uncut truth about africans,etc. Onyeani shot straight from the hip in regards to how we view and approach wealth. We need to become more aggressive, not to the point where we become blinded by wealth, but as far as being more proactive when it comes to wealth. I am an entrepeneur, and I am going to implement some the theories and concepts he mentioned so I can make my community a better place.
Book Description
In this book, Bonilla-Silva explores with systematic interview data the nature and components of post-civil rights racial ideology. Specifically, he documents the existence of a new suave and apparently non-racial racial ideology he labels color-blind racism. He suggests this ideology, anchored on the decontextualized, ahistorical, and abstract extension of liberalism to racial matters, has become the organizational matrix whites use to explain and account for racial matters in America.
Customer Reviews:
Book was in great condition!.......2007-03-10
New book, for a reasonable price. Book was in perfect condition--brand new!! Only complaint was that it took a while to arrive, but I was very satisfied when it finally came.
Valid points.......2006-08-26
After reading some of the reviews for this book, I was looking forward to reading it.
The data for this book come primarily from surveys of 627 college students, and 400 adults from the Detroit area and much of the book includes the verbatim responses of the survey participants. Although the author states that rhetorical incoherence is part of all natural speech, to read most of these answers is mind boggling. Not one person seems to be able to express themselves in a clear sentence without `um, I don't know, you know, I guess, it's like, you know'. It got so annoying, I ended up reading only the author's `Conclusion' at the end of each chapter.
The book contains valid points and I don't mean to diminish the author's effort, but summarizing the survey answers in a clear way could have made this book easier to read and more effective.
Intresting but deeply lacking.......2006-04-23
This book is well horrible for what is claims to be trying to do. It was req. reading for my sociology class and let me just say, i have never hated reading so much before. Bonilla-Silva while presenting a intresting and no doubt helpfull view of racism in modern America, he is one sided and his claims are hypocritical to no end. By the end of the book i felt like i had read 182 pages of "all white people are racist becasue they want the benifits." There is no counter arguements and his sources are rather unconvincing since they are nothing more then like minded authors.
A great book!.......2006-01-21
As the author Bonilla-Silva emphasizes repeatedly, this book does not intend to blame whites for being racist. This books attempts to illustrate how whites and blacks are constructed and positioned differently in relation to the past history of slavery and the newer form of racial ideology which supports the white privilege in the age of color blindness. I couldn't agree more with many of the arguments he has made throughout the book. I think this can make a great textbook for college courses.
For white readers, the argument that the racism continues to influence racial minorities' lives may not be convincing because, as Bonilla-Silva notes, they tend to subscribe the notion that racism is a thing of the past. I wish he had provided more "empirical" and "social scientific" evidence of how color-blind racism continues to have a negative impact on the lives of people of color today to make his argument much more convincing. (Just accept the blacks' personal testomony that "racism is still pervasive and affect us" may make this book sound like one-sided).
If open to understanding the minority perspective.......2005-08-11
This book may annoy, irritate, and even infuriate some, but if any of these emotions arise, you might ask yourself "why do I feel so defensive?"...and I promise, you will gather a bit of enlightment. The book portrays the perspective of minority peoples in a way that will open your eyes. It IS one-sided, but not because the author is a "racist", rather, he feels (it's in his Author's Note) that enough books are written ABOUT minorities from a "white perspective" view of the world, so he thought he would write a book that showed a distinct minority perspective on "white" culture. It is not meant to arise aggression, it is written to give realizations and enhance communications between the races.
Book Description
The
Second Edition of this best selling book provides a comprehensive examination of the role that gender plays in work environments. This book differs from others by comparing women’s and men’s work status, addressing contemporary issues within a historical perspective, incorporating comparative material from other countries, recognizing differences in the experiences of women and men from different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Relying on both qualitative and quantitative data, the authors seek to link social scientific ideas about workers’ lives, sex inequality, and gender to the real-world workplace. This new edition contains updated statistics, timely cartoons, and presents new scholarship in the field. It also provides a renewed focus on reasons for variability in inequality across workplaces. In sum, the second edition of
Women and Men at Work presents a contemporary perspective to the field, with relevant comparative and historical insights that will draw readers in and connect them to the wider concern of making sense of our dramatically changing world.
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Women in Non-Traditional Occupations: Challenging Men
Barbara Bagilhole
Manufacturer: Palgrave Macmillan
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ASIN: 0333929268 |
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This book examines common issues and concepts concerning women in non-traditional, male dominated occupations. It explores the question of whether these women are the agents of change or are instead changed themselves. It provides a statistical examination and theoretical analysis of occupational sex segregation in the UK, the rest of the EU, and the US. It provides a more in-depth understanding of women's work lives through the experiences of the women themselves in four occupations; management, academia, engineering, and the priesthood.
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