Customer Reviews:
Resisting the idea of the clash of civilizations.......2004-02-09
This is an easy to read book that contains interesting ideas about the role of political islamic movements. However it puts advances different notions than most books on the subject that ahve been published in the aftermath (and before, if we think of Huntington). This book suggests that Islam is not necessarily heading for a major confrontation or clash with the West. Some have suggested and criticized that the WTC attack proves otherwise; however, the the full story on that event and its aftermath have yet to be written and despite its horror, the evnt has worked far more in favoring an attack from the West to Islam than the other way around.
Olivier Roy, in the tendency of another French scholar Gilles Kepel, challenges the clash of civilizations concept and suggests that Political islam has failed because it has proven itself incapable of bringing about desirable changes in the poltical and socio-economic spheres in the Islamic world. Indeed, the very fact it has to resort to violent means (after the many years that muslim politics have existed in one form or another) is a sign of its failure to make attract sufficient followers. More significantly, Roy points out the various divisions theological and sectarian (eg. Shi'a vs. Sunni)national that have impeded the succesful formation of a universal and monolythic Islam capable of challenging the supposed antagonistic civilization of the West. he provides examples from all over the Islamic World including Algeria, Afghanistan and Iran. Some of the comments made by the more critical reviewers here are also worth noting, notwithstanding the fact this booo remians an importnat book, perhaps more so today than at the time it was written.
He Might Be Right In the Long Term.......2003-09-18
Unlike Orientalists like Bernard Lewis, Olivier Roy's book sees Islamist movements as sharing only a spurious connection with traditional religious texts, law and culture. Instead of arising out of an Islamic religious specificity, for Roy, Islamist movements are direct products of the political sociology of the modern, nation-state era.
Other scholars, like Burgat, also make this argument, but Roy departs from Burgat's conclusions in one major area, which is his evaluation of the logic of the Islamists' mission, and its likely political fate. This evaluation forms the major argument of his book; the so-called "failure" of Islamism because of its necessary reliance on the very modernity that it seeks to counter. For Roy, Islamism will fail because it contains internal contradictions that will be the seeds of its own downfall. These contradictions are in the relationship of Islam to politics. Roy claims that Islamism rejects political philosophy, since it sees no separation between religion and politics (unlike traditional Islamic culture, he is careful to point out, differentiating himself from the Orientalists), it sees no role for institutions, and sees "virtue" as the only necessary leadership quality. Thus, Islamism, by self-definition, writes itself out of the very political arena it seeks to enter. "The magical appeal to virtue masks the impossibility of defining the Islamist political program in terms of the social reality" (71). In other words, there can be no Islamic state without virtuous Muslims, but there can be no virtuous Muslims without an Islamic state. Islamist ideas, because they do not match social reality, end up in self-negation, since the arise from and rely upon this social reality.
Empirically, Roy sees this social reality as mainly an urban one, which bears little or no resemblance to traditional Muslim village culture. Not only do Islamists come from urban, educated and non-traditional backgrounds, but they also seek to "construct a new urban space, in which relationships would no longer be mediated solely by family or guild bonds" (59). Thus, those who see Islamists as wanting to return to a medieval or traditional society are misreading the movement's program, which differs from traditional Muslim culture in many areas, such as the acceptance of social differentiation in society, including conceptions of political parties, and new roles for groups such as women and ulamas. However, Roy sees this acceptance of social differentiation as an internal contradiction in the logic of Islamism, since the ideal of Islamist movements is a wholly egalitarian society, without classes or political parties.
Politically, Islamists depart from their own traditions in replacing the concept of the caliph (a religious ruler, of the tribe of the Prophet) with that of the amir, who can of course spring from a new (modern) social elite. This provides evidence against a traditionalist, orientalist reading of the Islamist program, since the amir is elevated to a position above even the ulamas, who are religiously sanctioned interpreters of the holy text. Thus, if the Islamic religion were the causal factor, then we might see the ulama or a neo-caliph touted as leader, instead of an amir that can be adapted to modernity. In fact, Roy claims that Islamists compromise with modernity by departing from the positions of the ulama on three issues: political revolution (they favor it), the role of sharia (they favor it less than the ulama does, and want to go beyond its limited reach), and the role of women (they are more emancipatory).
More generally, Roy argues that there has historically been a de facto autonomous public space in the Muslim world, a separation between religion and politics, with the ulama and the sharia on one side, and the ruler on the other. This goes against cultural arguments that see "despotism" as inherent to Islam throughout history. But the paradox, for modern Islamists, is that in seeking a Muslim state, they break this tradition. By concerning themselves with politics, they reject the autonomous space of politics that the ulama accepted, "specifically, the possibility for the state to elaborate a positive law to legislate in areas not covered by the sharia" (64). Thus, they revive politics even as they seek to negate it. For Roy, "no matter what the actors say, any political action amounts to the automatic creation of a secular space or a return to traditional segmentation" (23). In order to destroy secular space, the Islamists are required to create it.
There are many different ways to phrase these contradictions and paradoxes, which show that Roy has identified some inherent tensions in the logic of political Islam. However, the most pressing critique that can be made of his book is that logical inconsistencies in the ideas of a political movement do not automatically translate into a death sentence for that movement's practice, as Roy seems to want us to believe. One only need think of the contradictions inherent in democracy, i.e. between liberty and equality, or between majoritarianism and minority rights. Would democracy be called a failure because it contains these contradictions? No. Political movements are pragmatic and synthetic, and they often endure despite problematic ideational underpinnings. Followers make compromises and adapt to social realities, while attempting to stay in touch with ideational inspirations as well. Roy seems to hold Islamists to unrealistically high standards, chastising them for failing to rapidly create new societies and states, and even to redraw world borders. If the bar were set lower, Roy might acknowledge that Islamists have achieved substantial political change despite their supposedly contradictory relationship with modernity and the realm of politics.
Small on Content, Big on Hype.......2003-05-26
Olivier Roy is basically the founder of the francophone position that Islamism is basically a failure and its nastier incarnations are the result of this failures rather than its successes. Mostly, however, this work is a poorly written book with a novel thesis that has been adapted and put in a much more rigorous scholarly study by Gilles Kepel.
Admittedly, there is something `catchy' about his writing. Roy assures us that the inner contradictions of this movement will collapse in on itself and inadvertently cause the secularism that all of the bourgeoisies have come to enjoy.
The weaknesses of this work as a piece of scholarship are many, but I'll the two principle ones. For one, it is methodologically contradictory. As is customary today in Mid East scholarship, he disavows Orientalist sins by claiming there is no such thing as a monolithic Islam only a plurality of Islams, then he goes on to state that political Islam is one of these "Islams". Oddly enough, though spanning multiple continents and a multitude of countries, he seems that he believes political Islam IS a monolith. By the end, the picture that results is that of monolithic, triumphant modernity mocking an impotent, fanatic, and frustrated nativist politics.
Secondly, any glance at the bibliography would reveal that Roy's work is more or less a hodge-podge of secondary source material-not even a wide spectrum of sources are used and many are journalistic in nature. A lack of knowledge of requisite languages is apparent as he makes the classic mistakes of doubling Arabic plurals, butchering Arabic phrases, and outright mis-translating words.
Though oddly famous, this work is mostly a waste of time. For francophone scholarship, there are much more worthwhile scholars such as François Burgat and Gilles Kepel.
Don't misunderstand the book's title.......2003-05-20
[many people] seem to have latched on to the book's title and misinterpreted his thesis. They have declared Roy completely wrong because political Islam is still with us and often manifests itself violently. (By the way, "Fundamentalist" Islam is a misnomer. Roy explains why. "Islamism" or "political Islam" is more accurate to say.)
Roy is not saying political Islam is "dead;" he is saying it has "failed." Failed to deliver on its promise of a just government. Failed to provide a prosperous society. Failed to foster a flourishing culture. In this sense, it has failed. Not in the sense that those who believed in it have abandoned it. On the contrary, of course. (There are remarkable parallels to Communism's failure here. I wonder if anyone has written a good comparison...)
In the wake of a failed ideology, we are left with murderous extremists who will not be convinced the failure was internal, despite Roy's excellent piece of scholarship... Every killing in the name of Allah and Sharia is further proof Roy was right.
WHOSE FAILURE?.......2001-10-17
Has Islamic fundamentalism really failed?
Well, in September 2001 it struck at the heart of New York and Washington and is now at war with the United States in Afghanistan.
No need to travel to any Muslim country. Just have a look at the streets in any major Western city, New York itself for example. You will see women wearing the " hijab", thekind off headgear that symbolsies Islamic fundamentalism. This kind of headgear did not exist in Islam until a few years ago when the fundamentalists began to impose themselves on Muslim communities, first in Iran, then in the whole of the Middle East, and eventually even in Europe and the United States. Also lok for the beards that are specially designed to indicate the owner's attachment to the radical fundamentalist version of Islam.
Go also to mosques, including in New York and Washington, and listen to the Friday sermons to find out how fundamnetalism has imposed itself, through a mixture of terror and bribery, driving out the traditional, moderate versions of the faith.
Is fundamentalism dead when it cuts the throats of an average of 10 Algerians each day? Has fundamentalism failed when it has managed to silence everyone in the Muslim world?
To understand the real situation the reader would do well to find a copy of Amir Taheri's " Holy Terror: Inside the World of Islamic Terrorism" which tells us all we need to know about the background of the recent tragedies, and from a Muslim's point of view. I also recommend Anthony J. Dennis's book " The Rise of the Islamic Empire and The Threat to the West" which studies the issue from a Western point of view. A READER IN LONDON
Book Description
This major contribution to Ottoman history is now published in paperback in two volumes: the original single hardback volume (1995) has been widely acclaimed as a landmark in the study of one of the most enduring and influential empires of modern times. The authors provide a richly detailed account of the social and economic history of the Ottoman region, from the origins of the Empire around 1300 to the eve of its destruction during World War One. The breadth of range and the fullness of coverage make these two volumes essential for an understanding of contemporary developments in both the Middle East and the post-Soviet Balkan world.
Book Description
This major contribution to Ottoman history is now published in paperback in two volumes: the original single hardback volume (1994) has been widely acclaimed as a landmark in the study of one of the most enduring and influential empires of modern times. The authors provide a richly detailed account of the social and economic history of the Ottoman region, from the origins of the Empire around 1300 to the eve of its destruction during World War One. The breadth of range and the fullness of coverage make these two volumes essential for an understanding of contemporary developments in both the Middle East and the post-Soviet Balkan world. The text of volume one is by Halil Inalcik, covering the period 1300-1600. The second volume, written by Suraiya Faroqhi, Bruce McGowan, Donald Quataert and Sevket Pamuk, continues the story to 1914. Each volume examines developments in population, trade, transport, manufacturing, land tenure and the economy, and extensive apparatus and bibliographic information is provided for students and others wishing to pursue the subject in more detail. Both volumes will be fundamental to any future discussion of any aspect of Ottoman history.
Customer Reviews:
History of the Ottoman Empire in the Annales tradition.......2001-08-17
This volume should become the standard work on the Ottoman Empire. It gives as complete a picture of life, commerce, diplomacy and ottoman bureaucracy as possible considering the relative unavailability of reliable sources for the empire. It brings together intra-empire, inter-continental and international trade as it changed over the centuries in this one volume, an achievement not mirrored in very many other histories of the period.
The effects of wars (lots of these),governmental efficacy, ending monopoly of the Black Sea trade, the discovery of the New World and the Atlantic routes to East Asia and India are all discussed in a manner which makes not only Ottoman history, but also the rise and flourish of the rest of the subsequent colonial states easier to understand. Rather than focus on the Sultanic whims and decrees as the major force or variable in the Ottoman Empire, this history focuses on the place of the Empire in Europe and the world, using economic analysis rather than Sultanic or harem memoirs to describe the state of the Ottoman subjects.
For the longest time the accepted viewpoint has been that histories of large tracts of land or of people are more or less approximated by court statutes. Fernand Braudel with his "The Mediteranean and the Mediteranean world in the age of Phillip II" went a long way towards changing this view, and with more studies like this, hopefully a more accurate picture of our past will emerge.
Its is amazing how relevant a study of this subject still is for understanding present/recent conflicts or hegemonistic attitudes in their entirety. I would give this book ten stars if I could.
Book Description
At the beginning of the twenty-first century countries in the Middle East and North Africa are contending with the challenges of economic globalization. In a straightforward and, at times, irreverent analysis of the regions' response to these challenges, the authors demonstrate that there is a direct correlation between economic performance and democratization: the more liberal the polity, the more effective its economy in responding to globalization. This is an original and incisive approach to the political economy of the Middle East that will be an essential purchase for students and policy-makers.
Download Description
At the beginning of the twenty-first century countries in the Middle East and North Africa contend with the threats and opportunities of economic globalization, the driving force of change in the contemporary world. As the authors confirm in their straightforward and, at times, irreverent analysis of the regions' response to these challenges, it is globalization which is the key to an understanding of economic reform. Through an investigation of the structures of state and civil society, including financial systems, they also demonstrate that there is a direct correlation between economic performance and democratization. In other words, the more liberal the polity, the more effective is its economy in responding to globalization. With its original, and incisive approach to the politics and economics of the Middle East and North Africa, this will be an essential purchase for students and policy-makers and anyone trying to come to grips with economic globalization generally.
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The Middle East and North Africa 2007 (MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA)
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Africa South of the Sahara 2007 (Africa South of the Sahara)
ASIN: 1857433904 |
Book Description
A complete reference guide to the latest political, social and economic developments in the region. br br br CONTENTS br · Introductory essays written by eminent writers, scholars, journalists and broadcasters provide a general survey and analyses of the contemporary social, political and economic issues of the region. Subjects covered include: Arab-Israeli Relations 1967-2007; The Jerusalem Issue; Documents on Palestine; Iraq post-Saddam Hussein; Oil; Natural Gas; and Islamic Banking and Finance br In-depth individual country and territory surveys which include: comprehensive essays on physical and social geography, history and economy; a statistical survey covering the major economic indicators; an invaluable directory providing contacts within government, the media, trade and industry and tourism etc; plus a bibliography br Extensive details of the research institutes active in the region, listing their aims, functions, key personnel and contact details including: the Gulf Co-operation Council; the Islamic Development Bank; the League of Arab States; the Organization of the Islamic Conference; and the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). br br KEY FEATURES br Quick access to a wide range of data br Accurately and impartially records the latest political and economic developments br Wherever possible information is drawn direct from source, ensuring accuracy and reliability br Contributions from acknowledged experts provide an informed and authoritative view of the region.
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Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East (4 Volumes)
Manufacturer: MacMillan Reference Books
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Arab Cities in the Ottoman Period: Cairo, Syria and the Maghreb (Variorum Collected Studies Series, Cs734)
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Arab Women and Economic Development
Heba Handoussa
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Release Date: 2005-11-10 |
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The subject of women s participation in economic activity in the MENA region has acquired particular importance in view of the pressures of globalization, trade liberalization, the need for more women entrepreneurs, and a stronger presence in regional non-government organizations, as well as labor market and fiscal hurdles as they affect women. This volume highlights the frequent and visible discrimination against women as essential actors in the development process, and discusses means by which traditional and conservative constraints to their increased participation in social, political, and productive life can be overcome. The six studies in this volume reflect the views of diverse regional experts and several international organizations, brought together at a seminar held in Kuwait under the auspices of the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development and the Arab Monetary Fund. They cover key aspects of the problematic and are presented together with a review of comments by specialists and discussants. In addition, an overview of the key issues is given, as well as a narrative of seminar proceedings. Contributors: Abdelatif Al-Hamad, Jassim Al-Mannai, Ahmed Benbitour, Heba Handoussa, Nicole Laframboise, Tea Trumbic, Nadereh Chamlou, Reem Kattaneh Yared, Farida Aboul- Kasem Al-Allaghi, Faiza Benhadid, Maisa Sabh, and Mervat Badawi.
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