Amazon.com
"The U.S. military-industrial complex, as we have known it, is in the process of devouring itself, literally and tangibly. The awesome interlocking structure of armed forces, industrial interests, and political alliances that has sprawled across American public life and purpose for two generations cannot endure for long," writes Rolling Stone correspondent William Greider in the introduction to Fortress America. Although shorter than his previous books on the Federal Reserve and the global economy, Fortress America is vintage Greider: strong reporting and sharp analysis on a topic of current and compelling interest. Greider doesn't address U.S. defense strategy so much as the perverse economics underlying the American military establishment. Costs and commitments forever escalate as basic military readiness deteriorates. The Pentagon continues to request next-generation fighter aircraft and Congress agrees to fund them even as fundamental training exercises go wanting. The problem isn't that the United States will lose its next war, but that massive waste and incredible redundancy make national defense a pricey behemoth. Greider calls for a fundamental reordering of priorities; this is an argument Washington--and, increasingly, the public--cannot ignore. --John J. Miller
Book Description
Through vivid reportage, revealing anecdotes, and illuminating interviews with military personnel, bestselling author William Greider explores how and why America has avoided coming to terms with the end of the Cold War era-and the troubling consequences for our fighting forces and our country.
Customer Reviews:
The Hobo Philosopher.......2007-09-05
I ordered this book knowing that it would not contain a picture of the future America. I bought it because I knew that it would be filled with numbers and the dollars and cents of the exorbitant and wasteful costs of the Military Industrial Complex. I figured that this might be the last time - for a long time - that I might find such numbers displayed so openly.
I'm thinking that this book by Mr. Greider may become a collector's item. A few years from now it will probably be inconceivable to think that there was ever a time when the theme of this book - How to Downsize the Military Industrial Complex - was ever a serious topic for political discussion. This book is already an historical classic. Another like it will not appear in my life time - maybe never ever again. Once again we have been saved from the horrible prospects of "peace".
Analysis of military's dilemma holds up well post-9/11 .......2007-07-22
Interesting 1998 book discussing the U.S. military's inability to deal with post-Cold War realities. Greider argues that, determined to maintain all its Cold War capabilities as well as the capacity and profitability of the defense industry, the military failed to adjust staffing, procurement, and strategic planning to the `new world order.' Most of his conclusions hold up well post-9/11: an emphasis on high-tech weaponry at the expense of appropriate staffing levels has led to near-disaster in occupied Iraq, and the vast ramping-up in the defense budget hasn't helped retrieve the situation--though, ironically, it has helped shore up defense industry profits and avoid the downsizing of that sector that Greider predicted. As for the peace dividend, it is long gone.
Useful, Not Moving.......2003-02-03
This book contains useful facts and analysis, but I doubt it's moved many people to action. (Of course the policies it advocates have not been adopted by the Bush II regime.)
People like me who would like to see our military drastically reduced and who have little faith in the good intentions of anyone involved in it are likely to be turned off by Greider's more middle of the road views and what appears to be his reluctance to express some of the anti-military views he does hold.
People who long for an ever bigger military are unlikely to be converted by this book.
I think Greider wanted to avoid preaching to a choir, but walking down the middle, or pretending to, has found him fewer readers than his information and ideas deserve. He ought to have passionately argued a case (a moral case, not a strategic or economic one) for radical change. Those inclined to agree would have been more likely to get their hands on the book, and those inclined to disagree would have ended up picking it up too in order to know their opponent. Some would have been persuaded.
On page 10, Greider predicts a decrease in military ("defense") spending because this is what the public wants. On page 172 Greider points out a yawning chasm between what the public wants and what happens. This is illustrative of a gradual shift. The book starts out sounding like an article in the Washington Post and concludes sounding like one in the Nation.
The corruption analyzed along the way is not terribly new to readers of the Nation, but it's useful to have these facts and anecdotes in one place. The fact that a single aircraft carrier costs $5 billion, the same price as a proposed National Housing Trust Fund, is the sort of thing that cannot be restated enough.
What we could have used much more than this book was a plan for tying opposition to military waste into campaigns for positive public spending. We have for too long desperately needed to transform tax-and-spend proposals into axe-the-military-and-spend proposals.
We NEED to work out the politics of proposing and fighting a grassroots campaign for specific public school or Medicaid improvements tied to specific eliminations of military pork.
And quit calling it "defense" for godsake!
How We Got Here.......2002-12-06
In 200 startling pages, William Gireder tells America how our insatiable appetite for all things military has led us into a national dilemma, the economic and global implications of which are frightening.
Grieder's 'wake up call' details a bloated military industrial machine which has consumed much of our national wealth, and now has nowhere to direct its massive inventories.
Greider examines the political, social and economic effects from the perspectives of generals, line workers and politicians alike. The book has an excellent read, which will hold your interest through every paragraph. You will not be tempted to sigh and page ahead.
Grieder tells us how we got here, and offers a thesis to explain the current administration's obsession with finding a new boogey man to justify the continued propping up of a military industrial complex whose utlity expired along with the threat it geared up to face for decades - the Soviet Union.
Fortress America: Weapons for yesterday's war........2002-02-09
The book is ahead of its time. The problems that the book identifies are (somewhat) being addressed by the Army Transformation toward new technology and new types of weapons.
If this book reads like the tabloids, then please tell me which newspaper. I'd like to read related facts.
A puzzle still remains: How to keep weapon production ready for war without overproducing? Some old weapons are being upgraded or retrofit. However, obsolescence remains a major issue. Parts are really hard to replace when the vendor no longer exists, etc....
-Nomadder
Book Description
The writer of this book was temporarily attached to the British Treasury during the war and was their official representative at the Paris Peace Conference up to June 7 1919. He also sat as deputy for the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the Supreme Economic Council.
Download Description
The power to become habituated to his surroundings is a marked characteristic of mankind. Very few of us realise with conviction the intensely unusual, unstable, complicated, unreliable, temporary nature of the economic organisation by which Western Europe has lived for the last half century.
Customer Reviews:
Brilliant foresight.......2007-01-16
John Maynard Keynes describes in sufficient detail, and in the flowing language of his day, the terms of the Treaty of Versailles - particularly how they laid the groundwork for future conflict in Europe. It is easy to view his ideas as commonsense in light of the benefits of hindsight, yet this book is remarkably insightful in its predictions that eventually manifested themselves during the Second World War. Above all, this work should be valued as a classic example that the Carthaginian terms of the Paris Peace Conference did not go unnoticed during their time. They were then, as now, seen as a dangerous effort in retribution that would only rub salt in the wounds of Europe.
Keynes' disorganized critique of the Versailles Treaty.......2007-01-09
This book achieved instant fame when it was published in 1919, not only for its scathing criticism of the Versailles Treaty but also for its personal attacks against leading signatories (especially Clemenceau and Wilson). For a book focused primarily on economic concerns, the text is surprisingly easy to read. However, the book's poor organization vitally detracts from its effectiveness. The principle reason the book is still famous today lies in the fact that it was written by none other than John Maynard Keynes, the founder of 20th century style, gov't & debt driven economics.
The book is organized into chapters on pre-war Europe, Allied statesmen, summary of key treaty points, reparations, post-war Europe predictions, and Keynes' suggestion of remedies to provide a practical treaty settlement. Unfortunately, within each chapter things are jumbled together without clear rhyme or reason. (Is this indicative of Keynes' own personal organization and logical thinking?)
Within the book, he makes a very practical (but politically infeasible) argument for a non-vindictive treaty. He basically suggests that the Allies should forget both about reparations and repayment of wartime debts from the other Allies, and instead they should settle (though not ideally) for frontier adjustments and confiscation of only German gov't property. (Did the German gov't sponsor Keynes' work in writing this book?)
Keynes argues that a crushing reparations burden on the German people would disincent them to produce anything beyond a mere subsistence minimum and discourage entrepreneurial enterprise. There is some logic in this point; however, later on he goes on to state that the US should forgive its $10 billion debt to its wartime allies ($5 billion of which was owed by the UK). Forgive me if I'm wrong, but doesn't such a move disincent American entreprises from entrepreneurship as well. It's extremely hypocritical that the Allied gov'ts desperately sought loans from the US during the war and then once it was over to claim that they couldn't pay them. If they didn't want to repay, then they shouldn't have borrowed the money - period. (If I borrow money to buy a home, the bank won't ever agree to forgive my debt - regardless of whether I'm out of work, injured, or the house burns down. I don't see why gov'ts should get any exceptional treatment.)
Notwithstanding his problems with disorganization and inconsistent logic, Keynes does produce a reasonable, brief list of treaty rememdies, especially in his efforts to restore economic life throughout Central and Eastern Europe. Not until the advent of the Cold War and the interests of extending American political influence would Keynes' policies largely succeed (albeit yet again to the detriment of American taxpayers).
Overall, I felt the book was ok. I would only recommend it if you have an interest in reading all of Keynes' work. Don't expect to find any theoretical economic insights in the book, though. Based on the high ratings on this page, I think the other reviewers here might have some pro-Keynesian bias.
The Relevance of a Neglected Masterpiece.......2006-10-17
This prescient book displays the keen insights of a genius observing a process and result with a devestating prediction later coming to fruition on schedule. It should serve as not only history and foresight but also as an invaluable lesson and warning for those who desire to dictate to defeated or weak nations from a position of obtained military might or success.
Nought remains but vindictiveness among the strong.......2006-07-20
For Keynes, the Peace Treaty of Paris after World War I was a matter of life and death, of starvation and existence, and the fearful convulsions of a dying civilization.
But the negotiating politicians had absolutely no vision. Clemenceau wanted a Carthaginian peace, President Wilson was essentially a theologian and Lloyd George yielded to national electoral chicane.
The victors had no magnanimity. `The future life of Europe was not their concern; its means of livelihood was not their anxiety. Their preoccupations related to frontiers and nationalities, to imperial aggrandizements, to the future enfeeblement of a strong and dangerous enemy, to revenge and to the shifting of their unbearable financial burden on to the shoulders of the defeated.
But for Keynes, the policy of reducing Germany to servitude for a generation was abhorrent and detestable: `Nations are not authorized, by religion or natural morals, to visit on the children of their enemies the misdoings of parents or of rulers.'
Keynes had the decency to leave the negotiations from the moment he saw the looming disastrous results.
Keynes brilliantly calculated that Germany could not pay the imposed debt. He foresaw the coming German hyperinflation. He clearly recognized the danger of `a victory of reaction' (the right) in Germany, because it would endanger the security of Europe and the basis of peace.
Eventually that's what happened with all its disastrous consequences for Europe.
His prediction of millions of dead from starvation in Germany didn't occur.
This sometimes rather technical book is still a very worth-while read. His author was a visionary.
An unknown classic.......2004-05-13
The art of writing a valuable work on a conjuntural topic of politics is a difficult one. One must at the same time have an eye for the detail of ongoing developments as well as grasp the concrete goals of the main protagonists, and eventually be able to devine the overall logic of the general process. Few writers on politics mastered this art. One, for instance, was Marx in his accounts of contemporary Franch politics- "Class Struggles in France" and the "Eighteenth Brumaire". Another was this work by Keynes, that dealing with an event fraught with bitter partsan struggles, was able at the same time to wite a history of the Versailles Treaty and at the same time an history of the crisis of XIXth. Century laissez faire capitalism. Simply a classic.
Book Description
In THE END OF LAISSEZ-FAIRE (1926), Keynes presents a brief historical review of laissez-faire economic policy. Though he agrees in principle that the marketplace should be free of government interference, he suggests that government can play a constructive role in protecting individuals from the worst harms of capitalism's cycles, especially as concerns unemployment. When the Great Depression struck a few years later, this work seemed very prescient.
Keynes first earned widespread prominence immediately following World War I, when he published THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE PEACE in 1919. This book gained a good deal of notoriety because of its withering portraits of both French premier Georges Clemenceau and US president Woodrow Wilson. Keynes criticized the Allied victors for signing a treaty that would have ruinous consequences for Europe, if not modified as he suggested. Unfortunately, few leaders appreciated Keynes's criticisms, and he saw his worst fears realized in the rise of Hitler and the devastation of World War II.
Keynes's brilliant mind and lucid writing are evident on every page. Both of these works are well worth reading for his profound knowledge of economics.
Book Description
"The power to become habituated to his surroundings is a marked characteristic of mankind. Very few of us realise with conviction the intensely unusual, unstable, complicated, unreliable, temporary nature of the economic organisation by which Western Europe has lived for the last half century." - CHAPTER I-INTRODUCTORY As the most important figures in the history of economics, the work of John Maynard Keynes is nearly without precedent in the history of economics. THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF PEACE, first published in 1919, achieved great notoriety due of its contemptuous critique of the French premier as well as President Woodrow Wilson. Keynes criticized the Allied victors for signing the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, which would have ruinous consequences for Europe. At the time, few world and economic leaders appreciated his criticisms as Keynes saw his worst fears realized in the rise of Adolf Hitler and the resulting devastation of World War II. JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES, 1883-1946, was born into an academic family. His father, John Nevile Keynes, was a lecturer at the University of Cambridge where he taught logic and political economy while his son was educated at Eton and Cambridge. Most importantly, Keynes revolutionized economics with his classic book, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936). This work is generally regarded as perhaps the most influential social science treatise of the 20th Century, as it quickly and permanently changed the scope of economic thought. Interestingly, Keynes was a central member of the Bloomsbury Group, a collection of upper-class Edwardian aesthetes that served as his life outside of economics, which included Virginia Woolf, Clive Bell, and Lytton Strachey.
Customer Reviews:
Keynes' disorganized critique of the Versailles Treaty.......2007-01-26
This book achieved instant fame when it was published in 1919, not only for its scathing criticism of the Versailles Treaty but also for its personal attacks against leading signatories (especially Clemenceau and Wilson). For a book focused primarily on economic concerns, the text is surprisingly easy to read. However, the book's poor organization vitally detracts from its effectiveness. The principle reason the book is still famous today lies in the fact that it was written by none other than John Maynard Keynes, the founder of 20th century style, gov't & debt driven economics.
The book is organized into chapters on pre-war Europe, Allied statesmen, summary of key treaty points, reparations, post-war Europe predictions, and Keynes' suggestion of remedies to provide a practical treaty settlement. Unfortunately, within each chapter things are jumbled together without clear rhyme or reason. (Is this indicative of Keynes' own personal organization and logical thinking?)
Within the book, he makes a very practical (but politically infeasible) argument for a non-vindictive treaty. He basically suggests that the Allies should forget both about reparations and repayment of wartime debts from the other Allies, and instead they should settle (though not ideally) for frontier adjustments and confiscation of only German gov't property. (Did the German gov't sponsor Keynes' work in writing this book?)
Keynes argues that a crushing reparations burden on the German people would disincent them to produce anything beyond a mere subsistence minimum and discourage entrepreneurial enterprise. There is some logic in this point; however, later on he goes on to state that the US should forgive its $10 billion debt to its wartime allies ($5 billion of which was owed by the UK). Forgive me if I'm wrong, but doesn't such a move disincent American entreprises from entrepreneurship as well. It's extremely hypocritical that the Allied gov'ts desperately sought loans from the US during the war and then once it was over to claim that they couldn't pay them. If they didn't want to repay, then they shouldn't have borrowed the money - period. (If I borrow money to buy a home, the bank won't ever agree to forgive my debt - regardless of whether I'm out of work, injured, or the house burns down. I don't see why gov'ts should get any exceptional treatment.)
Notwithstanding his problems with disorganization and inconsistent logic, Keynes does produce a reasonable, brief list of treaty rememdies, especially in his efforts to restore economic life throughout Central and Eastern Europe. Not until the advent of the Cold War and the interests of extending American political influence would Keynes' policies largely succeed (albeit yet again to the detriment of American taxpayers).
Overall, I felt the book was ok. I would only recommend it if you have an interest in reading all of Keynes' work. Don't expect to find any theoretical economic insights in the book, though.
Brilliant, nearly prophetic foresight of the consequences of the Treaty of Versailles.......2007-01-16
John Maynard Keynes describes in sufficient detail, and in the flowing language of his day, the terms of the Treaty of Versailles - particularly how they laid the groundwork for future conflict in Europe. It is easy to view his ideas as commonsense in light of the benefits of hindsight, yet this book is remarkably insightful in its predictions that eventually manifested themselves during the Second World War. Above all, this work should be valued as a classic example that the Carthaginian terms of the Paris Peace Conference did not go unnoticed during their time. They were then, as now, seen as a dangerous effort in retribution that would only rub salt in the wounds of Europe.
A Perceptive Assessment and Prognosis of the Versailles "Peace" Conference.......2006-03-06
The late James J. Martin remarked that those who did not think that The Versailles Peace Conference did not have anything to do with World War II should read Keynes to correct this false notion. John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946)was one of the early "revisionists" who clearly saw how destructive the Versailles Treat was. He also had insight into the political leaders who forced this Carthaginian peace on the Germans.
Keynes was a representative of the British delegation to Versailles in 1919 and soon resigned in protest. He diagnosed the defects of Pres. Woodrow Wilson who was supposedly the most influential man at Versailles. Keynes accurately described Pres. Wilson as a naive Don Quixoti who had no knowledge of European History or basic diplomacy. Wilson was under the illusion that his status would be enough to impose his Fourteen Points and League of Nations on Eureopan leaders who were hard hearted and did not care for such naive idealism. Pres. Wilson was in a den of thieves and was not aware of it. Wilson could not evaluate the situation and was too self righteous to negotiate intelligently. Pres. Wilson thought he would impose the Versailles in the Americans, get the Americans to join the League of Nations, and end sin throughout the world. He obviously failed miserable as events proved. Members of the United States even refused to ratify the Versailles Treaty, and the Americans never did join the League of Nation.
Keynes goes into precise detail to explain what the World War I and the Versailles Treaty was doing and would do to those in German and in Central and Eastern Europe. Keynes gave pricise details of malnutrition, lack of medical care, etc. and also gave a precise account of the health effects that deprivation caused these people.
Keynes is just as precise in explaining the effects of looting the Germans with a huge reparation bill of $50 billion. If one can account for the increase of inflation between 1919 and now (2006), the bill may be fifty to a hundred times higher. This imposition was placed on Germans who lost their merchant marine fleet, colonies, and territroy. Added to that was the privations of World War I and the cruel blockade of the Germans by the British after hostilities ended.
However, Keynes was perceptive enough to know that if the German economy collapsed, eventually the European economies would also collapse. The Germans were advanced in steel production, chemical industries, etc. Prior to World War I, the Euroepans, friends and foes, relied more on German economic production and trade than they willing to admit. In other words, if the German economy collapsed, it was only a matter of time that much of Europe would follow.
Keynes wrote this book in 1919, and events in Europe took place as Keynes suggested they would. Those who argue that the "allies" should have intervened in German earlier that 1939 should realize that the time for interventions was in 1919 when a sensible peace treaty based on negotiations would have muted any German resentment. The laissez-faire and free market lads have blamed Keynes for all the woes in the West since World War I. The fact is Keynes did not create the modern state and the problems that have occured. All he did was view a bad situation and made a reasoned response to it.
Peace which sowed the seeds of its own destruction.......2002-12-16
Great British economist John Maynard Keynes second book recounts his assessment of the economic consequences of the Treaty of Versailles, where he was a member of British delegation as an economic expert.
Keynes starts with providing a dazzling psychological analysis on how the treaty came to be.
"When President Wilson left Washinghton he enjoyed a prestige and a moral influence throughout the world unequalled in history ... Never had a philosopher help such weapons wherewith to bind the princes of this world. How the crowds of the European capitals presses about the carriage of the President! With what curiosity, anxiety, and hope we sought a glimpse of the features and bearing of the man of destiny who, coming from the West, was to bring healing to the wounds of the ancient parent of this civilization and lay for us the foundations and the future"
Alas, this was not to be. American idealism, French quest for security and British distaste for alliances and hypocrisy created an unworkable solution. Soul of the treaty was sacrificed to placate domestic political process, and as the result put Germany in the position of defiance and economic insolvency; the position which at the bottom drew sympathy from the former Allies and as the result contributed to brutality of the second conflict.
Keynes draws a picture of pan-European economy which was destroyed by the treaty and rightfully predicted that not only Germany will not be able to pay, but will be obligated to pursue the expansionist policy at the expense of her weak Eastern neighbors. Treaty did not contain any positive economic programme for rehabilitation of the economic life of Central powers and Russia. One just could not disrupt the economic position of the greatest European land power, at the same time strengthening it geo-politically and suffer no horrible retribution. ""The Peace Treaty of Versailles: This is not Peace. It is an Armistice
for twenty years." - said Foch about such a agreement.
The Consequences of injustice.......2001-05-24
Keynes took the opportunity proffered to him in 1919 to voice the fears of many of his fellow countrymen that the treaty recently signed at Versailles stripping Germany of it's colonies, a substantial portion of it's population, all it's overseas concessions, its air force, any place at the League of Nations and an enormous amount in reparations payments to be made over the coming years, was an act of consummate folly that would only lead to future war. He took great pains to point out the folly of the French position at the conference, namely to be as extreme as possible, cognisant of the fact that their claims would be moderated and noted that in several cases where the British and US delegations had no specific interest, provisions were passed 'on the nod' which even the French would not have subscribed to. Keynes was damning about both Clemenceau and Wilson and pointed out that almost everything had been done which 'might impoverish Germany now or obstruct her development in future' and that to demand such colossal reparations without any real notion of whether Germany had the means to pay was foolhardy in the extreme.
Keynes book provided a fulcrum for British doubt about the treaty and an avenue for British sympathy with the fledgling German Republic. Keynes made treaty revision a thing of morality and enlightened self interest to avoid 'sowing the decay of the whole of civilised life of Europe'.
Average customer rating:
- Debunking the myth of Versailles
|
The Carthaginian peace; or, The economic consequences of Mr. Keynes
EĢtienne Mantoux
Manufacturer: University of Pittsburgh Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Unknown Binding
 Economic History
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ASIN: B0007DE4YS |
Customer Reviews:
Debunking the myth of Versailles.......2001-07-28
Everyone knows that the Versailles Treaty was a failure, or was it?
For 20 years after the peace the predictions of Lord Keynes that the treaty would fail were believed, and to some extent it did, but only because his very prediction resulted in the disunity amongst the Allies that rendered the treaty impotent.
Far from beggaring Germany during the inter-war period as Keynes suggested it would, Mantoux shows that the actual reparation payments were near insignificant with respect to what was spent on the rebuilding of the infrastructure that finally gave rise to the Nazi war machine, and that many of those things that we blame on the treaty are a result of the non-application of the treaty terms.
Sadly, Mantoux died a hero in the final days of the Second World War. He lived fighting the injustice done to the Versailles peace and died fighting what may have been the consequences of this injustice.
Average customer rating:
|
The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes: Vol.2: the Economic Consequences of the Peace
John Maynard Keynes
Manufacturer: Palgrave Macmillan
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 0333376013 |
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Journal of Economic Issues, published by Thomson Gale on June 1, 2007. The length of the article is 3371 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: The consequences of peace: Veblen on proper policy to support capitalist economic relations.(Thorstein Veblen)
Author: John F. Henry
Publication:
Journal of Economic Issues (Magazine/Journal)
Date: June 1, 2007
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 41
Issue: 2
Page: 601(8)
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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