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Dialectics and Deconstruction in Political Economy
Robert Albritton
Manufacturer: Palgrave Macmillan
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ASIN: 0333948378 |
Book Description
In this original study, Robert Albritton offers an authoritative reassessment of Marxist political economy. Original reinterpretations of Hegel, Weber, Althusser, Derrida, and Adorno cast new light on heated battles between Hegelian dialectics and deconstructivist criticism. Drawing upon insights from philosophy, sociology, political science, and critical theory, the book illuminates the theories of dialectics and deconstruction. Albritton finds a non-essentialist way of using the immense cognitive power of dialectics by accepting a limited deconstruction but challenging further deconstructionist directions—a major breakthrough for political economy.
Book Description
The creation of the European Community ranks among the most extraordinary achievements in modern world politics. Observers disagree, however, about the reasons why European governments have chosen to coordinate core economic policies and surrender sovereign prerogatives. In this eagerly awaited book, Andrew Moravcsik analyzes the history of the region's movement toward economic and political union.
Do these unifying steps demonstrate the preeminence of national security concerns, the power of federalist ideals, the skill of political entrepreneurs like Jean Monnet and Jacques Delors, or the triumph of technocratic planning? Moravcsik rejects such views. Economic interdependence has been, he maintains in his provocative argument, the primary force compelling these democracies to move in this surprising direction. Politicians rationally pursued national economic advantage through the exploitation of asymmetrical interdependence and the manipulation of institutional commitments.
Focusing on Germany, France, and Britain, Moravcsik examines the five decisive agreements that propelled integration forward. He seeks to reintegrate the historical study of European unity with theoretical inquiry into the sources of international cooperation.
Customer Reviews:
Absorbing study of the EU's development.......2001-07-18
In this deeply researched book, Andrew Moravcsik studies five key moves toward wider and deeper European integration: the Treaties of Rome, consolidating the Common Market, monetary integration, the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty. He argues that the member governments chose ever closer union in order to promote their countries' economic interests. He aims to prove that economic interests, not political ideas, drive EU integration. He focuses on how the governments of Germany, France and Britain made their decisions.
Moravcsik argues that the British government's policy in the 1950s of opposition to joining the Common Market "was the rational one for a government that traded little with the Continent, had high tariffs in place, and feared competition with German producers." So there was economic logic to staying out. It is less clear that there was good reason for the subsequent reversal of policy: trading with a bloc does not oblige us to join it!
He shows that De Gaulle vetoed Britain's application not out of chauvinism, but because we opposed generous financing for French farmers through the Common Agricultural Policy. In 1969, Pompidou lifted the veto, but only in exchange for the British government's huge concession of agreeing to a permanent financing arrangement for the CAP. This made it CAP reform impossible.
Similarly, member governments have pursued integration through creating the Single Market and EMU. Moravcsik shows how Europe's multinational companies and the national employers' organisations backed integration. The European Commission admitted, "The single market programme has done more for business than it has for workers", a judgment true also of Economic and Monetary Union. Economic interests may well have determined the drive to a single state, but paradoxically the closer the cooperation between EU members has become, the worse their economies have performed.
Capitalist states and multinational companies have taken the EU road to lost sovereignty and economic integration, but the peoples of Europe are increasingly choosing otherwise, as the Irish people showed in the 7 June referendum on the Nice Treaty. In particular, here in Britain the option of leaving the EU looks more and more inviting.
Renewing the Debate about the Causes of European Integration.......2000-07-16
Andrew Moravcsik boldly makes the case for the centrality of the three largest member states in the construction of Europe. In this volume, Moravcsik articulates his "liberal intergovernmentalist" (LI) framework of analysis and utilizes primary sources to strengthen his response to Paul Pierson's "historical institutionalist" (HI) account of European integration. As Moravcsik explains, in making the choice for Europe
"...it was the deliberate triumphs of European integration, not its unintended side-effects, that appear to have increased support for further integration. This is the key point of divergence between HI theory and the tri-partite "liberal intergovernmentalist" interpretation advanced here. For most governments, inducing economic modernization-even with unpleasant side-effects-was the major purpose of European integration." (p. 491)
One of the strongest contributions of Moravcsik's volume is to revisit the classic neo-functionalist-intergovernmentalist debate and to place it in a new theoretical context. To Moravcsik's credit, this tome offers a detailed, thorough and remarkably organized assessment of competing explanations in the European integration literature. Students and scholars of integration will grapple with the issues raised as a result of this work for years to come.
Moravcsik's volume challenges the "myths" of European integration and calls into question the relevance of actions taken by supranational entrepreneurs. National versus supranational debates notwithstanding, Monnet's (and later Delor's) talent was to seize a moment in history when Europe was at the brink of continuity or change. Monnet's use of crisis as opportunity sought to alter fundamentally the way in which France and Germany interacted within the European system. Is this not the essence of the Schuman Plan in 1950, namely, to use the opportunity to modernize France economically as part of an equation to make future wars with its neighbor across the Rhine impossible?
Although convergence was already apparent among European economies, did the initial political decision to pool the critical resources in the making of war, to integrate in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), require individuals like Schuman, Monnet, Adenauer and Hallstein to work against the fact that European states mistrusted each other and were therefore disinclined to integrate? It is most unfortunate that volume length does not permit Moravcsik to cover this initial case. In the light of the ECSC experience, was the agreement to create the Common Market in 1958 intrinsically about making European countries richer? The archival research of Raymond Poidevin and Andreas Wilkens sheds light on the experience of the ECSC. Their writings may help us evaluate the extent to which the initial experiments in integration, including the aborted European Political Community (EPC) and European Defense Community (EDC), influenced the interests of the Six during the Treaty of Rome negotiations. References to Poidevin's work are scarce among the 1116 footnotes in The Choice for Europe. There are some citations of Wilken's writings, but not those that critically evaluate the impact of Monnet's role during the period 1950-57.
In Moravcsik's analysis, economic interests, asymmetrical interdependence and more credible commitments, respectively, drive states to negotiate, cooperate and integrate in Europe. Moravcsik candidly (and correctly) acknowledges that his primacy of economics explanation is less helpful to our understanding of German motivations to cooperate in Europe. In the French case, does Moravcsik's revisionist account successfully convince us that de Gaulle emphasized national economic interests over geopolitical priorities or an ideology of grandeur? By asserting that ideas motivate only when no strong interest is involved, does Moravcsik's account draw an unnecessary dividing line between the General's socio-economic and geo-political goals? It may be argued that the General's priorities were inextricably intertwined as President to assure the country's place as the first among states in Europe. My own volume on the Maastricht process demonstrates the relevance of two-level analysis. Other writings about Britain's role in the Maastricht negotiations likewise stress the importance of simultaneous domestic-international interactions in intergovernmental conference diplomacy. Given that Moravcsik's own prior writings strikingly illustrate the contributions of Putnam's model, it is puzzling why he does not emphasize two-level games in The Choice for Europe. Moreover, the potential for interactions among the three analytical stages Moravcsik defines in his book, namely, preference formation, interstate bargaining and implementation, also warrants more attention in future editions.
The phenomenal number of sources cited in Moravcsik's tome is a compelling reason to include a bibliography, including the names, places and dates of all interviews conducted. This would help the reader locate cited materials more efficiently. Moreover, it would underline Moravcsik's attention to primary sources which brings us to a methodological point. Moravcsik does not cite magazine or newspaper articles and relies a good deal on confidential interviews. It may be argued that journalistic writings are helpful when "hard" primary sources, namely, internal government documents, are systematically cross checked with these accounts. Accurate journalistic reporting, when referenced consistently, can also confirm or deny explanations given in confidential interviews. These techniques allow for a greater degree of transparency in source materials.
The preceding points are evidence that, given the numerous questions this volume raises, Moravcsik has admirably achieved his most important objective: to renew the intellectual-practitioners' debate about the fundamental causes of European integration. The Choice for Europe is recommended to a wide audience as an unprecedented work that incorporates elements of comparative politics, international relations and political economy in a historical narrative that challenges us to think critically about the reasons why states choose to cooperate.
excellent revisionist overview of European integration.......2000-03-09
I found this book one of the best I have read on European integration history. It is a good example of revisionist history at its best. Compared to other books i have studied on the same subject this one makes a number of novel points and gives a completely different emphasis on driving factors & driving actors of the process of EU integration, putting the role of the Member States at centre stage all the way, and their economic interests as primary driving elements. To me, as an economist, this sounded convincing and certainly puts a novel slant on the traditional 'high politics' integration story. At the same time, I also found it a somewhat depressing account of the ineffectiveness of the Commission at crucial times of decision making. The book certainly puts into question some cherished notions about the role and functioning of the Commission, and since I am proud to work there it was not easy to take this in.
I found the first chapter hard going and somewhat obtruse, although i can appreciate the methodological points he makes, which are all to often ingnored. Once one is through that, though, the real story begins and a fascinating account it is, especially since it certainly does not follow the analysis i have read previously on this subject.
An excellent reference work, and certain to stimulate many a (heated) debate.
Political science for European integration historians.......1999-07-01
For once, here is a general text purporting to analyse the history of European integration that actually lives up to its billing. It is quite rightly considered a tour de force. Indeed, Andrew Moravcsik's "The choice for Europe" has already established itself as one of the most important publications to date on this subject. While it is obvious that the continued evolution of the European Union has been one of the most `extraordinary political achievements' to have taken place during the 20th century, the reasons why this community of states was created in the first place and the ways in which it has since developed have not always been so convincingly explained or succinctly outlined, that is until now. What Robert Keohane describes on the fly-cover as the `most compelling and significant analysis yet of the European Community' is just that.
Moravcsik is not a historian, but in this text he tries to integrate political science theory into a historical study of European unity; this is in order to discover why there has been such a high-level of cooperation between Western European states during the last half-century. His book fills an important gap in our knowledge by tracing the somewhat erratic developments that have led to a greater degree of economic and political union gradually being instituted throughout this region and by placing these in a theoretical perspective.
In this most accessible work, he persuasively argues that economic interdependence has been the prime motivator in successive governments making these rational choices. One of the weak (and strong) points however regarding Moravcsik's investigation is that it only focuses on the big European powers - Germany, Great Britain and France, as well as the European Commission - and does not really delve into small-power politics. Questions such as how these smaller nations tried to operate within, or negotiate entry into, the EEC as they became more aware and realistic about their world positions, how they operated in relation to the big powers, et cetera, must wait until their specific histories have been chronicled before they can be answered. At least historians now have a tool to do so.
In taking the case studies that he does, Moravcsik examines them in the context of what he sees as the five decisive agreements that have driven European integration all the way from Messina to Maastricht: via the Treaties of Rome in 1957, the EC Merger Treaty and other consolidatory and expansionary agreements enacted during the 1960s, the various examples of European monetary integration during the 1970s and early 1980s, and the Single European Act of 1986, all the way to Economic and Monetary Union in 1991. In so doing, he develops his thesis on integration history to fit the facts rather than the other way round, while providing a critique of existing theories and presenting us with one of the best existing analyses on this topic. This volume by Moravcsik is clearly a strong basis for future historiographical debate.
Book Description
The 100 ideas contained in this book reflect the thoughts of thousands of Floridians who have taken the time to offer their personal insights into what it will take to preserve the state's legacy of opportunity. This book is a written commitment that will detail Florida's vision for the future, and how to make it a reality. 100 Innovative Ideas for Florida's Future shows how every Floridian can enjoy freedom, opportunity, and the pursuit of happiness and leave for their children a better life than their own.
Book Description
America's working families have been struggling for decades, but the creative, can-do spirit that has served the country well in the past is alive and well, even if it is lacking in so many of our so-called leaders. The Service Employees International Union, known as the most aggressive voice for working Americans, went to the people to find out what's wrong and what can be right in our economy and politics.
The result is a collection of smart, concise, and achievable ideas for solving the big problems that face society, at home and even around the world. These proposals represent paradigm shifts. Their optimism is infectious. It is possible to combat global warming, to provide good quality and affordable healthcare to everyone, to shore up Social Security without give-aways to the finance industry, to promote small-business entrepreneurship, to improve education at all age-levels.
Proposed by regular people from coast to coast and all walks of life, the ideas in Since Sliced Bread are a wake-up call to policy makers and citizens alike that, when the people lead, the leaders will follow.
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Aging Gracefully: Ideas to Improve Retirement Security in America
Manufacturer: Century Foundation Press
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Life in an Older America
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Restoring Fiscal Sanity 2007: The Health Spending Challenge
ASIN: 0870784994 |
Book Description
Aging Gracefully gathers a collection of essays that highlight policy ideas for promoting greater retirement savings among Americans. The essays were written as part of the Retirement Security Project, which is dedicated to promoting common sense solutions to improve the retirement income prospects of millions of American workers. The project is supported by The Pew Charitable Trusts, in partnership with Georgetown University's Public Policy Institute and the Brookings Institution.
Book Description
In this second edition of Political Economy: The Contest of Economic Ideas, Frank Stilwell provides a fully updated overview of the political economy and its connection with social concerns. The book investigates the main tradions of economic ideas and provides a 'big picture' overview of the analytical tools and value judgements associated with competing schools of economic thought. Political Economy: The Contest of Economic Ideas features a clear and engaging writing style which makes the complexitites of contesting economic ideas - such as classical political economy and Marxist economics, neoclassical economies and neo-liberalism - easier to grasp.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent Introduction.......2004-11-04
This is a very good introduction to the discipline of political economy (broadly defined).
The book takes a 'pluralist' approach in the sense that it gives fairly even quantities of space to distinct 'schools' of thought in political economy (cum economics), and seeks to fairly outline the core concepts and arguments of each school. This is not to say the book is 'relativistic' or 'intellectually permissive' - it does give over space to well-established criticisms of each school. That said, it simultaneously extends the principle of intellectual charity to each of them. Prima facie, there is no 'axe-grinding' going on here.
The book seems to be pitched at university students (and perhaps advanced high school students) who have had little or no contact with political economy as an academic discipline before. As such, it has the great virtue of being very clearly written in a non-technical, relatively jargon-free style.
I would recommend this book to anyone studying political economy (compulsory reading), political science (compulsory reading), sociology (compulsory reading), economics (complementary reading), philosophy (bed-time reading).
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Economic Events, Ideas, and Policies: The 1960's and After
Manufacturer: Brookings Institution Press
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ASIN: 0815770111 |
Book Description
The 1960s represented a turning point in the application of economic analysis to U.S. policymaking. The decade was marked by widespread optimism that government policies could improve economic and social outcomes. Developments since then illustrate how policies can shift, along with changes in the environment, changes in theory and understanding, or changes in dominant values. The papers in this volume are taken from a November 1999 conference: Economic Events, Ideas and Policies: The 1960s and After. Sponsored by Yale University and the Brookings Institution, the conference was held in memory of economist Arthur Okun. Okun, along with George L. Perry, founded the Brookings Panel on Economic Activity and its journal, the Brookings Papers on Economic Activity. A former professor of economics at Yale University and chairman of the President's Council on Economic Advisers, Okun authored many important articles and books, including Equality and Efficiency, a Brookings bestseller. Prices and Quantities, published after his death in 1980, is still considered a major professional contribution to macroeconomic analysis and the problems confronting stabilization policy. Contributors include William J. Baumol (Princeton University, New York University), Robert Haveman (University of Wisconsin), Barry Eichengreen (University of California), Richard Cooper (Harvard University), Alan Krueger (Princeton University), Paul Krugman (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), Robert Solow (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), William Brainard (Yale University), and George Perry (Brookings Institution).
Book Description
This textbook provides students with a comprehensive guide to the range of issues in environmental politics. It covers theory and ideology; pressure groups and party politics; as well as policies, regulation and implementation. The book includes many examples and empirical details from around the world, with complex concepts defined and analyzed. Essay questions, a glossary and guides to further reading enhance the wide-ranging treatment of this important subject area.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent text.......2003-06-18
This book provides an excellent introduction to environmental politics. An overview of environmental philosophy is offered, providing the backdrop for an extensive discussion of the unique hurdles faced by both Green parties and interest groups, and those trying to craft public policy. The author does an excellent job of covering a wide range of topics and provides a useful overview of each, while at the same time offering jumping-off points for interested readers to further pursue individual topics. Highly recommended for students as well as the casual reader.
Book Description
The quasi-federal European Union stands out as the major exception in the thinly institutionalized world of international politics. Something has led Europeans—and only Europeans—beyond the nation-state to a fundamentally new political architecture. Craig Parsons argues in A Certain Idea of Europe that this "something" was a particular set of ideas generated in Western Europe after the Second World War.
In Parsons's view, today's European Union reflects the ideological (and perhaps visionary) project of an elite minority. His book traces the progressive victory of this project in France, where the battle over European institutions erupted most divisively. Drawing on archival research and extensive interviews with French policymakers, the author carefully traces a fifty-year conflict between radically different European plans. Only through aggressive leadership did the advocates of a supranational "community" Europe succeed at building the EU and binding their opponents within it.
Parsons puts the causal impact of ideas, and their binding effects through institutions, at the center of his book. In so doing he presents a strong logic of "social construction"—a sharp departure from other accounts of EU history that downplay the role of ideas and ideology.
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