Book Description
This affordable THOMSON ADVANTAGE BOOKS version of COMPARATIVE POLITICS: POLITICAL ECONOMY, POLITICAL CULTURE, AND POLITICAL INTERDEPENCE helps you see politics as a complex process involving a broad range of institutional, behavioral, and textual factors. An analyses of ten countries, plus the EU, representing a cross-section of diverse regions, economic systems, and levels of development, each chapter reviews a country's history; its major political institutions and the way they influence the policy-making process; the role of elites, parties, groups, and masses; and the broader cultural, economic, and international contexts. Each chapter also concludes with a current assessment of the country in terms of the United Nations' definition of good government as well as a discussion of future challenges.
Customer Reviews:
A user-friendly, if boring, textbook on comparative politics........2005-08-27
I had to read Monte Palmer's _Comparative Politics_ text for a class. The book compares the political structures and systems of ten different countries: Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Russia, China, India, Mexico, Egypt and Nigeria. Of these ten I read the sections covering Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Russia, China and Mexico. The edition is a little outdated (2001). It doesn't fit well with the post-9/11 political setup, and it doesn't have very up to date statistics for the countries listed. And needless to say, the book itself is extremely boring and tedious to read. However, the book was uncomplicated, easy to follow and understand and very well organized. It does an excellent job at showing the political parties in different countries and the variety of problems that they face, with a general emphasis on economic problems, social democracy (healthcare, human rights) and environmental problems.
Book Description
Keohane, Robert O. and Nye, Joseph S., Power and Interdependence, 3rd Edition*\ This landmark book, an original work by two of the most renowned scholars in the field, continues to offer a rich theoretical approach to understanding contemporary world politics and valid general prescriptions for policy. Power and Interdependence was written to construct a way of looking at the world of politics that helps us understand the relationships between economics and politics, and patterns of institutionalized international cooperation, while retaining key realist insights about the roles that power and interests play in world politics. The new Third Edition has been thoroughly updated to include analyses of the effects of new technologies and growing globalism on power and interdependence in today's world.
For those interested in international relations and politics.
Customer Reviews:
Good to read.......2006-11-03
Interesting and useful neo-realist interpretation of the world around us today. Another academic contribution of Keohane does not disappoint.
The secret of understanding ..........2004-04-19
Keohane and Nye say that "Contemporary world politics is not a seamless web; it is a tapestry of diverse relationships. In such a world, one model cannot explain all situations. The secret of understanding lies in knowing which approach or combinations of approaches to use in analyzing a situation". In that phrase we can find the purpose of this book: to give the reader some analytical tools that will help him to comprehend our world.
The authors say that neither the traditionalist vision nor the modernist vision is nowadays adequate to interpret our world, due to the fact that there is an ever- growing and multidimensional interdependence. Their task is to point out to us the situations in which the assumptions that characterize each vision should be applied, to offer good predictions and satisfying answers. In their words, "to provide a means of distilling and blending the wisdom in both positions by developing a coherent theoretical framework for the political analysis of interdependence".
In "Power and interdependence", you will be introduced to quite a few interesting concepts, starting by what does interdependence mean, and the differences between interdependence and dependence. Each definition is accompanied by several examples, that make the concepts easier to grasp.
I found especially interesting the way in which Keohane and Nye explained the role of power in interdependence, by distinguishing between two dimensions of interdependence: sensitivity and vulnerability. Sensitivity has to do with how much a country is affected by the policies of another country before reacting to those changes (the key assumption here is that the framework isn't changed). On the other hand, vulnerability takes into account how well and quickly a country can react to the changes in policies produced by other states, and has to do with the existence of alternatives (the assumption here is that the framework is changed). The authors illustrate this distinction with examples taken from history, and conclude that sensitivity interdependence is not as important as vulnerability interdependence from the point of view of providing power resources to actors.
Another interesting feature of this book is that the authors compare two ideal types: realism and one that they constructed, complex interdependence. None of these ideal types reflects reality exactly, but they help to understand what happens, because most situations fall between these two extremes.
They say that the realist ideal type involves three basic assumptions. To start with, states (rational and coherent units) are the more important actors in world politics, and interstate channels are the norm. Secondly, force is the more effective instrument of policy, even when there are others. Lastly, there is a hierarchy of issues, and the one that dominates is military security.
In contrast to that, the ideal type of complex interdependence has rather different assumptions. To begin with, the state is not the only important unit, and there are many channels that connect societies (not only interstate channels, but also transgovernmental and transnational ones). Also, there isn't a hierarchy among issues, and it is more difficult to distinguish between domestic and foreign policy. Finally, "military interdependence is not used by governments towards other governments within the region, or on the issues, when complex interdependence prevails". By that, I think that the authors mean the relationships between developed countries (North/North relationships). In complex interdependence, military force loses a lot (but not all) of its importance, mainly because using force can have negative effects on non security goals.
Other themes that you will find in "Power and interdependence" but that I won't explain now (this review is already too long!!) are linkage strategies (different for strong and weak states) and the role of International Organizations, agenda setting, international regime changes, the relationships between USA and Canada and Australia, and USA, its leadership and complex interdependence.
Keohane and Nye try to explain us how our world is changing (and yes, they had already observed those changes when this book was first published, many years ago), and highlight many times throughout the pages of this book that they believe that different frameworks are needed for different situations, and that old contributions are as worthy as new ones. It is essential, however, to know when to use each one, and when we must combine them, in order to grasp the various situations. Due to the fact that they repeat the same thing many times, the reader is highly unlikely to forget it. To me that is great, because it is an idea we need to remember.
"Power and interdependence" is neither overly easy to read, nor too difficult. However, if you are tenacious you will be rewarded, because you will end up having another tool with which to understand the world. All in all, strongly recommended :)
Belen Alcat
Filling in the blanks.......2000-09-23
Written out of a desire to explain what realists such as Morgenthau and Waltz can't explain, longtime collaborators Keohane and Nye produce an interesting theory of how international relations is developing: Towards a system where the primacy of the nation-state is not as secure, the role of international regimes is greater, and force is not as effective a means of resolving conflict. While I found their theories sound and the examples of the international monetary system and the oceans regime to be supportive, their comparisons of the interdependent bilateral relationships between the US and Canada and the US and Australia to be less convincing.
Interdependence does indeed fill in gaps in the realist/neo-realist theory. I believe the best way to use this book is as a tool to analyze events that don't fit neatly into the realist model. After all, you can't use genetics to explain why s=v0t + (1/2) at (squared), right?
An alternative to Hans Morgenthau's "Realism?".......2000-06-12
In recent years the effects of the "internet age" to foster "globalism" has been described by Thomas Friedman of the New York Times, among others. In the current circumstances, it seems as if old notions of power politics by nation-states is just an inaccurate way of looking at international relations. What other ways are there? Keohane and Nye, writing originally in the mid-1980s, describe a "theoretical" framework for what they refer to "interdependence." They illustrate their theory with examples of international monetary negotiations relating to the IMF, in negotiations relating to the Law of the Sea, and US-Canada relations. They state that increasingly major corporations or working government bureaucracies, working apart from the institions of the State Department in the US (for example), reach out to their counterparts across national boundaries. Speaking as someone who has had mid-level military assignments in other nations, it seems to me gratifying that these kinds of situations are presented and discussed. However, I agree with the Afterword in the 1989 edition of the book written by the authors themselves, that states that their treatment in this book is focused on areas where realism was not intended to apply in the first place. Also, they acknowledge (on page 159) that in the kinds of circumstances that "interdependence" applies, domestic politics makes foreign policy decisions subordinate to private interests. I think Hans Morgenthau would say that the role of those making decisions for nations in national security areas need to be leaders in determining national interests and applying policy based on (realist) analysis, and not followers on domestic politics. From my own point of view, lack of focus on "national interests" has caused US foreign policy to be disjointed and opportunistic in recent years.
Book Description
In this book, Aaron Forsberg presents an arresting account of Japan's postwar economic resurgence in a world polarized by the Cold War. His fresh interpretation highlights the many connections between Japan's economic revival and changes that occurred in the wider world during the 1950s.
Drawing on a wealth of recently released American, British, and Japanese archival records, Forsberg demonstrates that American Cold War strategy and the U.S. commitment to liberal trade played a central role in promoting Japanese economic welfare and in forging the economic relationship between Japan and the United States. The price of economic opportunity and interdependence, however, was a strong undercurrent of mutual frustration, as patterns of conflict and compromise over trade, investment, and relations with China continued to characterize the postwar U.S.-Japanese relationship.
Forsberg's emphasis on the dynamic interaction of Cold War strategy, the business environment, and Japanese development challenges "revisionist" interpretations of Japan's success. In exploring the complex origins of the U.S.-led international economy that has outlasted the Cold War, Forsberg refutes the claim that the U.S. government sacrificed American commercial interests in favor of its military partnership with Japan.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent Treatment.......2007-05-24
There have been several prominent books and journal articles on Japan's postwar economic success (my personal favorite is The Misunderstood Miracle: Industrial Development and Political Change in Japan (Cornell Studies in Political Economy)). However, understanding the true nature of this flourishing is a somewhat different matter. While Friedman addresses the ECONOMIC aspects, Fosberg ably addresses the political and diplomatic aspects.
Prior to the War, Japan had been a major industrial power, and while a stupendous amount of plant and materiel had been physically destroyed by Allied bombing, it was clear that Japan possessed the trained personnel and deepened industrial institutions to recover. What was not clear, however, was if the US political establishment had the will or vision to help out.
Political establishments are heterogenous things, with complicated networks of competing and colluding interests; and while this is something so obvious it ought to be vapid, it's a point usually overlooked by ideologically zealous historians. For those interested in a serious, well-documented treatment of how the network of myriad US interests coalesced towards a strategy of helping Japan develop, and then integrate into the US economic sphere, this is a good beginning.
Students of economics will possibly be perturbed because Forsberg does not strictly adhere to neoliberal economic orthodoxy. This book tends towards neutrality on controversial issues in development economics, and rather, deals with what actors expected to happen as a result of the policies they pursued. So, for example, for much of the period covered the US Congress wavered between accommodating Japanese home markets protection (for the purpose of defeating Communism in the region) and demanding that the Japanese authorities open their market to US goods. An orthodox economist might object that protecting domestic markets was a stupid "payout" for either Japanese or US constituencies generally, but the point is that in 1950 very few political actors anywhere thought such things.
In general, the account tends to be fairly favorable to the US polity in terms of "generosity" (in this case, willingness to sacrifice short-term regional preferences for long-term success in the project of Japanese development), and emphasizes the success of Japanese industry interests in protecting specific markets. At the same time, the difficulty of getting the US polity to support Japanese economic recovery is not ignored. The terms of the bilateral agreements with Japan were sometimes one-sided, allowing the USA bases without commitments to actually defend Japan. Partly this was an ugly byproduct of the fact that Japan had become a US client by virtue of defeat in a war; but it also reflected internal divsions in the Japanese polity over the relationship with the USA.
In any respects, the book is an outstanding companion to the above-mentioned Friedman book on the economics of Japan's development. While Friedman emphasizes the overlooked entreprenuerial aspect, Forsberg explains the institutional and diplomatic aspect that actually prevailed. Readers of varing ideological or economic dogmas may draw their own conclusions based on what actually followed.
excellent source of information.......2000-06-12
in my world history class i was doing a project on the japanese economic miracle after world war ii. this was the main source of information i used. i thought that this book was full of information involving the japanese and their sturggle to gain economic success. this book also taught me a lot about how the americans felt about the japanese. although in war they were enemies, after the war, since the US occupied Japan, due to their help, the japanese were able to get the success they wanted. if you are working on a project or just want to know about the japanese economic miracle, then i strongly suggest this book.
Average customer rating:
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Deregulation and Interdependence in the Asia-Pacific Region (National Bureau of Economic Research-East Asia Seminar on Economics)
Manufacturer: University Of Chicago Press
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0226386740 |
Book Description
Recently, real and artificial barriers to international transactions have fallen sharply, causing a rise in the overall volume of international trade. East Asia has been particularly affected by the economic stresses and gains derived from deregulation. Deregulation and Interdependence in the Asia-Pacific Region explores the broadly similar experiences of certain economies in the region—China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea—in dealing with the potentially volatile process of deregulation, and examines the East Asian response to a rapidly transforming economic environment.
Book Description
The essays here address the relationship between economic interdependence and international conflict, the political economy of economic sanctions, and the role of economic incentives in international statecraft.
Average customer rating:
- Propaganda from a paid hack!
- Rejects Liberty for government controlled conformity
- Wide the Mark - Shows Continuing Decline of The Left!
- YoY
- The Benefit of an Outside Observer
|
A Declaration of Interdependence: Why America Should Join the World
Will Hutton
Manufacturer: W. W. Norton & Company
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Binding: Hardcover
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The World We're in
ASIN: 0393057259 |
Book Description
"Americans, we Europeans need you back...not only in our interest, but in yours as well."
Great societies, this book holds, are marked by essential core values: the social contract that enhances its citizens' lives; an honest and enlightened economy; a vital public realm; and a recognition that the world is an interdependent place, one best governed under international law. With the triumph of conservatism in America, each of these values has withered. Rampant materialism, corporate corruption, the failure of government regulation, an unquestioning faith in American exceptionalism, and a conviction that Americans must go it alone are all in the saddle.
We are not going in the right direction. To turn us aroundto secure health services and decent work for all Americans, to build faith in the economy, to close the gap between rich and poor, to restore, in short, the American dreamAmerica needs to reclaim these values. It could not do better in that task than to renew its historic philosophical partnership with today's Europe, which has chosen a better compass.
Customer Reviews:
Propaganda from a paid hack!.......2006-08-08
There is a good compendium in here about
what 'they' want to do TO us, not for us
and that we should be greatful for. Who
is this guy Hutton to suggest that our
great Constitution is outdated and needs
to be scrapped? A paid lackee for the
Rockefellers, I think the way his lousy
book reads. Hey Hutton, YOU GO BACK TO
Europe if it's sich a Utopia, you Socialist!
Rejects Liberty for government controlled conformity.......2005-05-31
At first you wonder if Hutton is serious. When you realize that he apparently is serious, there is a tendency toward laughter. Then you realize that he really IS SERIOUS. He honestly believes that we have too much liberty in the US and that newspapers have too much freedom to publish. Instead of liberty, what does Hutton cherish? The "primacy of society". Which is? As best as I can determine, the primacy of society is greater control of society by government, those wise and kind overseers who want only what is best for us poor ignorant uneducated masses.
Hutton should have been born 80 years ago, in Germany. Or 50 years ago in the Soviet Union. He would have loved it.
Wide the Mark - Shows Continuing Decline of The Left!.......2005-05-30
In late May, fellow Brit, the sagacious Mark Steyne, observed: "Sick in bed a couple of months back, I started reading 'A Declaration of Interdependence: Why America Should Join the World' by Will Hutton, and found it such a laugh I was soon hurling my medication away and doing cartwheels round the room." Why?
"The great Euro-thinker. . .compares the American and French Revolutions, and decides the latter was better because instead of the radical individualism of the 13 colonies the French promoted ''a new social contract.''" In other words, the Founding Fathers got it completely assbackwards! First at pains to demonstrate his love of American pop culture, Hutton then gets both his facts and political philosophy completely wrong - thus raising Steyne's triumphant cackles.
First, consider theory.
"[I]t's the [Europeans] willingness to subordinate individual liberty to what Hutton calls `the primacy of society' that has blighted the continent for over a century: Statism -- or `the primacy of society' -- is what fascism, Nazism, communism and now European Union all have in common." Statism, no matter how benign, subordinates the individual to some alleged collective `good.' But American's believe in individual destinies - not any vague societal one.
Why the difference? In the Lockean world of America, people and social relations precede the state. Only by delegating rights to a central authority do individuals gain for themselves what they otherwise would do on their own. But this is no blank check. Rather, inalienable rights belong to each and every one of us, as human beings. This is the ultimate protection against overreaching state power.
Next, consider the many facts.
First, certain US states have practiced democracy for almost 300 years, not Germany or France. The latter have fallen to fascism, Nazism, and communism. Only with US help did Europe regain its way, finding a relatively benign statism instead. Will Hutton should work from the former to the latter, not the reverse, if he is to play fair with the weight of historical evidence.
Secondly, Hutton mistakes the "social safety net" Euro-socialism has constructed for itself with progress. Euro-soc is sclerotic and burdened with cultural inferiority and material backwardness that, by European's own entrepreneurial reckoning, might take a hundred years to catch up to US levels.
The claim that the Euro `social model' of society and politics is superior underwent a decisive drubbing in 2004's "Cowboy Capitalism: European Myths, American Reality," by German business journalist Olaf Gersemann. Using a thorough systematic analysis of the statistical data, he finds that these arguments - often the same deployed by Hutton - are either outright false or seriously overestimated. Hutton argues that Americans pay a huge price for their economic system in income inequality and other social problems, like two working parents because of indebtedness. In fact, very few families find two parents working out of necessity.
Inequality of income is wildly overestimated in the US for several reasons: Most wealthier parents work long hours by choice, yet relatively few of the poor do; "income" figures neglect ubiquitous transfer payments for the poor; and many millions of recent immigrants, typically bottom-rung poor from Mexico, exaggerate income inequality. But when quality of material life is calculated, such as the poor owning cars, air conditioning, homes, and living space, it's much better to be poor in the US than Europe. 60 percent of all the world's immigration is to the US, which remains a beacon for opportunity.
The greater market freedoms in America create a more flexible, adaptable, and prosperous system than the declining welfare states of Europe. The US leads in opportunity, economic growth, quality of life, R & D, cultural exports, and higher educational quality and opportunity, leaving Europe far behind except when it comes to access to basic health care.
Upon the sound defeat of the new EU constitution in France, The New York Times reported on reaction in Bobigny, a working-class suburb of Paris, with 18 percent unemployment and a large ethnic Arab and African population, where 72 percent of the voters there said `no.' The suburb's Communist mayor, Mr. Biringer said: "We are already in a Europe of unemployment and regression."
Recent research conducted by political scientist Paul Gottfried revealed a salient changed ideological reality. Before the Fall of Communism, leftist ideas and politics flowed from Europe to the US. But after the Fall, this process was reversed. Thus, New Labour and Prime Minister Blair in Britain achieved its present success through imitating Clinton and the DLC. Others like Germany's Chancellor Schroeder and French leftists have only gained power in the absence of coherent alternatives from the right, not by dint of political seriousness.
The endemic problem for the left today is its inability to cease navel gazing, projecting distracting animosities, and do the hard work of actually rethinking its political identity and program. Facile won't do, nor will perfunctory or mediocre. But like Michael Moore, that's all we ever get. (Sigh.) Will Hutton's opus is similarly wide of the mark.
YoY.......2005-04-07
As an author myself, I recommend that you purchase this book for personal study. As a member of the Earth Charter, "A Declaration of Interdependence" is a very grand envisioning realization of the way to make things right. Although he focuses mainly on economics, I still find this book of high interest.
Author. "Knowledge For Tomorrow" Quinton D. Crawford
The Benefit of an Outside Observer.......2003-09-01
This is a revealing examination of the American system by an outside observer who is not bogged down by native ideologies. Hutton is also a solid liberal in the European tradition, and in the process he delivers a very solid manifesto of modern liberal theory, of the type that American left wingers have been far too chicken to utter for a long time. Hutton shows us that American liberalism is currently so weak because of the consolidation of power by the new American conservatism, and its prohibition of all opposing viewpoints through empty patriotism and ideological extremism that is increasingly divorced from reality.
Hutton outlines the social and political effects of the modern conservatism, and things aren't looking too good in America from the European standpoint. The social safety net is being dismantled as everything remotely "public" is inaccurately condemned as socialist big government; while economically, long-term prosperity and innovation are disappearing under the rush for short-term profits and pressure from Wall Street to follow unproven "efficient market" ideologies. Hutton also includes interesting examinations of how the European system, based on far greater amounts of social goodwill and assistance than the US, has plenty of its own strengths that can benefit both Europe and the US in the long run. Europe's strengths should not be swamped by political and economic pressure from America to adopt the current conservatism
The only problems with this book are Hutton's rather repetitive and verbose writing, especially his habit of rattling off long lists of social and economic problems that give the impression that he is trying to boost his own nation's image. Hutton's proposed solutions to the dire long-term problems being engendered by unyielding conservatism are solid, but they are long-term only and he offers no answers for how political transitions can be made realistically. But this book is still an excellent example of how an outside observer can point out problems and weaknesses in the American system that we are unlikely to admit to ourselves, and a solid compendium of liberal theory. [~doomsdayer520~]
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Interdependence: The Route to Community, Second Edition
Al Condeluci
Manufacturer: CRC
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Binding: Paperback
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Cultural Shifting: Community Leadershop and Change
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Beyond Difference
ASIN: 1878205110 |
Book Description
Driven from a values base, Interdependence: The Route to Community is a service system framework that interprets a new approach for the ways in which people relate and the ways our society addresses social issues. Recognizing the limitations of the medical/expert approach, the book offers a new prescription for change based on partnership. This penetrating, often hard-hitting exploration of the goals of human services clears the air on how and why the current medical/expert paradigm has failed. Here is the introduction to the independent paradigm-an alternative approach to how people and systems can relate. The book focuses on a new plan of action for reestablishing the individual with his or her community and enhancing personal lives through a sense of similarity, rather than difference: Who should read this book? Educators, counselors, physicians, nurses, administrators, people with disabilities, family members, community and religious leaders, engineers, government officials, and politicians. This book is to be read and applied, not merely read.
Book Description
A cutting-edge collection of essays on the critical question of the relationship between economic interdependence and conflict among states
Customer Reviews:
Borderless Experience.......2000-01-27
This book is a difficult read with many subjects inside of subjects. It's beter to read easier Latino books before actually diving into this one. I did like how points of information were brought forward though.
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