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- Calculations are only as good as your numbers
- Pants on fire?
- Accepted History & Chronology Must Be Changed.
- Very Interesting
- History as Science Fiction
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History: Fiction or Science? (Chronology, No. 1)
Anatoly Fomenko
Manufacturer: Mithec
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Similar Items:
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History: Fiction or Science? Chronology 2 (Chronology)
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They Cast No Shadows: A Collection of Essays on the Illuminati, Revisionist History, and Suppressed Technologies
ASIN: 2913621058 |
Book Description
Recorded history is a finely-woven magic fabric of intricate lies about events predating the sixteenth century. There is not a single piece of evidence that can be reliably and independently traced back earlier than the eleventh century. This book details events that are substantiated by hard facts and logic, and validated by new astronomical research and statistical analysis of ancient sources.
Customer Reviews:
Calculations are only as good as your numbers.......2007-08-03
Yes, we can all agree that mainstream history is nearly 100% BS due to politics, economics, ego, problems with dating techniques, and various conspiracies. Agreed. But, I've been researching the distinct possibility that human history (in terms of civilizations) are much more ancient than we've been told, so coming across this book was very interesting to me. I wondered how Fomenko could be wrong (if at all) because he is very persuasive in his presentations. Then it dawned on me. If at previous times in prehistory, due to the various catastrophies that are well documented (comets, asteroids, planetary disruptions, plasma discharge, pole reversals, etc) the Earth was in a different position in relation to the sun, different tilt on its axis, different orbit, different rotation (in terms of velocity and DIRECTION), and the continents were in different positions, then would this not cause the ancients to see the sky (constellations) differently? In other words, is Fomenko making erronious assumptions about the physics of the Earth in pre-history, which then corrupt his data with regards to dating the relevant astrology? The last event to seriously disrupt our planet occured roughly 3500 years ago, according to other good researchers, so is it possible Fomenko has been confused by this? The vastly different physics of our planet in the not so distant past may explain this confusion, which is not to say the "mainstream" version of history is correct; on the contrary. I am not an expert in these fields, but wanted to see if this idea could spark discussion.
Pants on fire?.......2007-07-19
Will people ever read before spamming? Yes, Jesuits could not rewrite world history alone, they had help. Anyway, Dr Prof Acad A.Fomenko does not point to jesuits as the driving force of world wide history manipulation in published volumes 1,2,3;, actually he barely mentions the poor devils. Check it with 'Search inside' feature, please. China is rarely mentioned either, in fact, Dr Fomenko is completely eurocentric. Right, his theory contradicts all mainstream schools of history, because in their actual state they are all built on blatantly erroneus chronology. You don't need a mysterious cabal (conspiracy) to falsify history, the falsification is its modus operandi. It is inherent to history(ians) to falsify (distort) events, as it is inherent to humans to boast as it is inherent to power (authority) to legimize itself by referrring to glorious past made to its own order. Dr Prof Fomenko and team have identified scores of instances of such manipulation in Russian, European, etc.. history, and delivered valid statistical proof thereof. His own 'reconstruction' is completely another story. Forget c14 as a valid method of dating. W.Libby has initially discovered a brilliant method of INDEPENDENT dating. Too bad, c14 method has become a joke after a forced marrige with dendrochronology with consensual chronological scale inbuilt. Radiocarbon method can't stand blind tests, but is so very productive as a rubberstamp.
Accepted History & Chronology Must Be Changed. .......2007-04-09
There is no doubt that history as most know it is a sham, & institution's version of History both University & Church is fradulent & inaccurate. Everything was established with an agenda, The real "Dark Ages" are now when we have access to incredible amounts of information past authorities & more important 'common folk' didn't have but our institutions & educators are slow to evolve because of what has ignorantly & arrogantly been taught for too long. This is on many subjects not just Chronology.
For anyone to question "Why would a Mathematician have anything credible to say of History?" The answer is from Dr. Fomenko's preface in the book: "It would be worthwhile to remind the reader that in the XVI-XVII century Chronology was considered to be a subdivision of Mathematics." These volumes could possibly be some of the most important works to date & should be read by everyone with an interest in History, especially professors & educators who have a duty to the public. I have read both books & must say that 'Chronology 1' has some very eye opening & revolutionary information. Even if these volumes are part true the implications are profound & opens the doors to further investigations & questions which must be done. I speak several different lanquages & must say the logic Dr. Fomenko uses with "inflection" of words & words being read from left to right in one region & right to left in another then written backwards, the removal of vowels & get down to basics of words, or different cities & locations having the same name etc. is correct. Vowel usage has always been optional & varied, actually complicating linquistics & study. The first thing one has to understand is that words never had a fixed spelling in history like we do now, the spelling of words was mutable & regional, as well as names & titles of people were vast, varied & changed, NOTHING WAS FIXED or understood linear. Matters of Life & Death as well as financial profiteering yesterday & today were & are made with ignorant, illogical & conspiratorial views of history & reality, it's time people get closer to the Truth & society collectively grow up.
Very Interesting.......2007-03-07
It is a good proposal and I believe it will mature into something even better in the future. I think it deserves to be read.
History as Science Fiction.......2007-01-10
Anatoly Fomenko has written a very intriguing book, full of pictures, charts, and computer 'proof' of his thesis: backwards of AD900 we don't really know what happened or when. Between AD900 and AD1600 there is more certainty, but there is still a lot of fuzzy ground, and things don't get reliable until we get past the 1600's where the printing press made it very difficult for the perpetrators of this timeline manipulation to change anything that had been committed to print. The Dark Ages did not happen. Books were burned for a reason. One organization has doubled the actual length of its existence by expanding the real chronology. Read why.
I had always wondered why Christ died about AD33 and yet men waited until the 11th century to form the Knights Templar, the Cathars, etc and go after the Holy Land by force. Why the 1000 year gap? Turns out there wasn't more than a 10-12 year gap and he proves it using astronomy. This also implies that the planet is not as old as we have been told, and current Christian and other creationist scientists are already championing that idea without being aware of Fomenko's book. The two groups, creationist scientists and the Russian mathematical analysts corroborate each other. Fascinating.
Of course, all this flies in the face of what we have been told traditionally is the 'proper' chronology of western civilization, and most readers will experience 'cognitive dissonance' in reading this book. It means that our history going backwards from AD1600 becomes progressively more incorrect and unreliable until it cannot be trusted at all... in the space of 700-800 years.
Naturally, the curious, open-minded reader will want to know WHO did this, WHY, and did any of the events we think of as really ancient ever happen?
Dr. Fomenko is a respected scientist/mathematician at Moscow State University who has already answered these questions to the satisfaction of his initially skeptical colleagues. Most of them are now believers, a few still refuse to believe (the usual diehards), and of course the western press has ignored Fomenko's work -- for obvious reasons when you read the book. The ones who perpetrated this chronology ruse have a lot to answer for. They are still with us. That's why this book is a well-kept secret.
I gave the book a 4-star rating because I was unable to check out some of his claims; those I checked were as he said. But if even 1/3 of his claims are true, this punches a big hole in what we think is our history, the meaning of western civilization, our educational process (for repeating the ruse as gospel), and the trustworthiness of the organization that perpetrated this ruse, well-intentioned or not.
This book relates to current research into a Young Earth paradigm, to John Keel's discoveries about our planet, and Fr Malachi Martin's insights (in his now out-of-print books). We are indeed sheep who are manipulated and kept ignorant -- for a reason. While knowing what these men have to say may be the "booby prize" (as in: 'what can you do with this knowledge?'), it will provide interesting reading. Didn't someone say: "...and the Truth will set you free."?? For you to judge if this book contains the truth.
Average customer rating:
- A leftist growth theory by a sociologist
- Demonstrates how the State caused China's growth
- Brilliant study of the conditions of growth
|
Sources of Chinese Economic Growth, 1978-1996 (Studies on Contemporary China)
Chris Bramall
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0198296975 |
Book Description
This analysis of the political economy of growth in the era of Deng Xiaoping takes issue with the growth-accounting methodologies and market-centred explanations which characterize so much of the literature on transition-era China. By adopting an approach which echoes the pioneering work of Chalmers Johnson, Alice Amsden, and Robert Wade on other East Asian Economies, and which makes full use of the rich statistical materials that have become available since 1978, this book shows that Chinese growth was driven by a combination of state-led industrial policy and the favourable infrastructural legacies of the Maoist era. And in giving due weight to the sheer complexity of the growth process by looking in detail at the experience of four very different Chinese regions, it avoids over-simplistic macroeconomic generalization. Nevertheless, even this type of approach is inadequate, because it fails to explain why industrial policy has been so much more successful in China than in other countries. This book therefore goes beyond the 'development state' approach to argue that state autonomy in China reflected the remarkably equal distribution of income and wealth at the end of the 1970s and, paradoxically, the destruction of party structures and institutions during the Cultural Revolution. The policy implications are stark. The Chinese experience demonstrates that industrial policy and state spending on physical and social infrastructure can produce rich rewards; conversely, slavish reliance on foreign direct investment and trade are likely to limit the pace of growth. But attempts to replicate China's success in Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and South Asia will fail because their governments will not resist rent-seeking by classes and interest groups. Moreover, as the state becomes weaker in the wake of the re-emergence of a powerful capitalist class, even Chinese growth may prove unsustainable.
Customer Reviews:
A leftist growth theory by a sociologist.......2006-06-14
If a Nobel Prize for studying the Chinese economy was given to Chris Bramall, the Prize would worth nothing. His theory is essentially the same with those rightist economists: production inputs lead to economic growth. The only difference is, rightist economists still believe that incentives, efficency, factor mobility all matter. The one who actually got the Nobel Prize is Douglass North who reveals that economic growth is caused by institutions that favor production inputs, incentives, efficency, factor mobility, and property rights.
---Bramall argues that a combination of state-led industrial policy and the favorable legacies of industrialization, human capital (health and education), infrastructure, technology, and capital stock during the socialist era produced China's growth. He shows that industrialization was the key source of growth, and that foreign trade and foreign investment (Open Door policy) were less important than usually thought. Growth was not a result of trade liberalization, the end of socialism, unleashing the productive powers of capitalism, or backwards initial conditions at the end of the Maoist era. Bramall claimed that despite numerous positive influences (such as a restructured incentive system, foreign trade, R & D spending), the release of labor from agriculture reduced labor productivity and did not have a positive impact on China's economic growth, as if the release of labor won't increase total production.
Bramall shows that, in general, inequalities of property and wealth are the real obstacle to growth and improved living standards. The owners of capital, the ruling class, block economic progress. He concludes, "A radical and effective land reform coupled with an assault on private industrial capital are necessary preconditions for the implementation of successful state intervention in a developing country", and "for most countries, there is probably no alternative but the seizure of power by armed struggle."
Chris Bramall: Sources of Chinese Economic Growth, 1978-1996, (Oxford University Press, 2000).
Demonstrates how the State caused China's growth.......2004-09-06
Bramall's book demonstrates conclusively that state planning and intervention, not markets, caused China's massive economic growth in the last quarter century.
Bramall shows how Mao did an excellent job of developing Chinese capability for growth through infrastructural development and building human capital. He refutes the myth that China was able to develop industrially because of a large amount of argicultural labor just sitting around. He shows that the surplus was created by the economic progress of the late seventies, leading to a decrease in the labor needed to produce a given output.
However, his argument that this release of labor didn't greatly contribute to growth fails. To excerpt a longer article I planned to write:
I will attempt to dissect Bramall's claim that the release of labor from agriculture reduced labor productivity and did not have a positive impact on China's economic growth (p.185). Bramall's argument largely rests on his assertion that, despite numerous positive influences (such as a restructured incentive system, foreign trade, R & D spending), labor productivity "only" increased by 6.5 percent per year. According to Bramall, something must have had an offsetting influence on these positive factors, and he pins the blame on the impact of labor transfers out of agriculture. Austrians, however, reject attempts to measure labor productivity on the grounds that the value of total output cannot be calculated. As Frank Stoshak says, "To calculate a total, several data sets must be added together. To be added, analytical rigor requires that they have some unit in common. But the 'non-farm business sector' includes a huge diversity of products and services; it is not possible to simply add these up and arrive at a total". The rest of Bramall's argument is just as flawed. He points out that those who migrated to industrial centers were resented by the local population. Some were paid lower incomes, and the local governments even restricted the the range of jobs in which they could be employed. Because of this and other factors, migrants ended up working at factories whose labor productivity was below average (pp. 185-6). While this may have lowered average productivity statistics, which Bramall's language surprisingly does not suggest [1], it could not have decreased total production. Picture a man who produces ten bushels of food per hour, and then picture another man who comes and produces five. Average productivity is depressed from 10 to 7.5 bushels of food per hour, but total production increased. Since Bramall's goal is to explain what did and did not contribute to the total growth in industrial production, his argument fails. The addition of worse workers need not even decrease the average, as the division of labor is extended.
The next biggest problem in Bramall's analysis is his account of the state rising aggregate demand in the agricultural sector. The state increased the prices they paid for grain, hopefully providing incentives to workers to use underutilized capacity. The biggest problem for Bramall's argument is the existence of an income effect, yet he barely devotes one line to it.
Bramall also decisively refutes the myth that the Open Door policy and international trade caused China's growth.
However, I would hesitate before drawing any interventionist policy implications from this book. Bramall shows that the extremely high growth rates in the past quarter century are a product of the state increasing social and infrastructural capability over nearly the entire century. A more indicative reading of the statistics should take into account the average growth for this whole period, as the same policy could not always yield the growth rates it did in its highest period (1978-96). When looked at as a more gradual growth over 50 or 100 years, China's achievement does not seem as great.
Brilliant study of the conditions of growth.......2003-12-02
This important book provides both an intensive study of how and why the Chinese economy grew after 1978, and a wide-ranging discussion of the conditions of economic growth. He examines and refutes the simple, capitalist explanation for China's high rate of growth, that Mao's death in 1976 ended socialism, unleashing the productive powers of capitalism.
Bramall argues that a combination of state-led industrial policy and the favourable infrastructural legacies of the socialist era produced China's growth. He shows that industrialisation was the key source of growth, and that foreign trade and foreign investment were less important than usually thought.
He reminds us of the great achievements of the Chinese people under socialism - the spreading of industry, the tripling, between 1952 and 1978, of the area of China that was irrigated, the consistently high investment in the countryside, the development of a transport network, and the great improvements in health and education. He notes that in the 1950s and 1960s China was forced to adopt a strategy of defensive industrialisation in the face of threats from both the USA and the USSR.
In his general discussion of the conditions of economic growth, he shows that, "contra Nairn, Anderson, and others, the British problem is capitalism itself, not the persistence of pre-capitalist structures and institutions." Capitalist rapacity has always held back manufacturing industry, and is now destroying it. Britain is too capitalist, not too feudal. The `left', like Thatcher and the European Union, attack the wrong targets - the Constitution, the monarchy, the House of Lords, the landed gentry.
Bramall shows that, in general, inequalities of property and wealth are the real obstacle to growth and improved living standards. The owners of capital, the ruling class, block economic progress. He concludes, "A radical and effective land reform coupled with an assault on private industrial capital are necessary preconditions for the implementation of successful state intervention in a developing country" - not only in developing countries! To achieve these goals, "for most countries, there is probably no alternative but the seizure of power by armed struggle."
Book Description
In this provocative, important study, Dali L. Yang examines a wide range of governance reforms in the People’s Republic of China, including administrative rationalization, divestiture of businesses operated by the military, and the building of anticorruption mechanisms. The author also analyzes how China’s leaders have reformed existing institutions and constructed new ones to cope with unruly markets, curb corrupt practices, and bring about a regulated economic order.
Though still a work in progress, Yang arugues, taken together these reforms have improved the institutional environment for economic development and altered the landscape for China’s ongoing struggle against rampant corruption. These measures are also likely to have important implications for the exercise of governmental authority and for China’s future political development. As China’s role on the world stage expands, the way the State conducts itself assumes increasing importance not just for those concerned about the welfare of the Chinese people but also for those interested in China’s role in regional and world affairs.
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Political Economy of China's Provinces: Competitive and Comparative Advantage
H. Hendrischke
Manufacturer: Routledge
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ASIN: 0415207762 |
Book Description
The Political Economy of China's Provinces is the first book to use the concept of competitive advantage in the context of Chinese provincial studies. On the basis of seven case studies, it charts different provincial paths of economic and political development, and analyzes how individual provinces use their comparative and competitive advantages to formulate strategies in inter-provincial competition. This is a radical new approach which contests the idea that it is safe to regard what happens in one province as representative for the whole country. It is a companion volume to China's Provinces in Reform, edited by David Goodman (Routledge, 1997), and makes available the most thorough data on contemporary Chinese provinces.
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The Chinese Women's Movement Between State and Market
Ellen Judd
Manufacturer: Stanford University Press
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ASIN: 0804744068
Release Date: 2001-12-28 |
Book Description
When China embarked on its rural economic reforms in the early 1980s, changes for women were not a planned part of its program for economic development, in the countryside or in the nation at large.
In the late 1980s the official arm of the Chinese women’s movement, the Women’s Federations, began experimenting with a series of strategies designed to position women in the mainstream of the reform-era economy. A distinctive feature of this initiative was its focus on “quality” (suzhi), including literacy, general education, and practical technical training, and extending to a general effort to strengthen women’s place in the market. The state’s official women’s movement had paradoxically become the major champion and architect of rural Chinese women’s turn toward the market economy.
This book examines in detail how the women’s movement strategy was developed and implemented in one village in the northern Chinese province of Shandong, exploring the multiple meanings of the discourse on quality and the creation of a uniquely Chinese gender-and-development policy. The author explores several dimensions of this strategy: the promotion of education and training, the building of an organizational base for the rural women’s movement, and the expansion of women’s involvement in market competition. The author broadens the scope of the book by comparing similar strategies pursued in urban women’s organizations in Shandong in the 1990s.
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Administrative Reform in China and Its Impact on the Policy-Making Process and Economic Development After Mao: Reinventing Chinese Government (Chinese Studies)
Meiru Liu
Manufacturer: Edwin Mellen Press
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ASIN: 0773476148 |
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Case Studies of Chinese Economic Reform (Edi Development Policy Case : Teaching Cases, No 2)
Manufacturer: World Bank
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ASIN: 0821322281 |
Book Description
Thomas G. Moore examines the role of the outside world as a source of change in post-Mao China. Based on extensive documentary and interview material, the book adds the Chinese case to a long tradition of country-based studies by political economists, historians, and area specialists that have chronicled the experiences of developing countries as they enter specific industrial markets in the world economy. This book will be timely and provocative reading for anyone concerned with the nature of China's deepening participation in the world economy and its consequences for the country's development prospects, internal reforms, and foreign policy.
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In a book that reframes our thinking about the nature of China's reform and opening, Thomas Moore argues that the structuring impact of the international political economy represents one of the most theoretically important yet inadequately studied issues concerning change in post-Mao China. After carefully defining his conceptual framework, Moore presents detailed case studies of textiles and shipbuilding to examine the impact of varying degrees of economic openness in the world trading system on the reform, restructuring, and rationalization of Chinese industries. As the book amply demonstrates, the international environment most propitious for change in China's textile and shipbuilding industries during the 1980s and 1990s was one marked by moderate economic closure rather then the ideal-typic economic openness assumed by most observers. Moore also challenges popular notions of China's recent economic success by arguing that Beijing's ability to pursue strategic industrial policy is actually quite limited.
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China's Economic Development and Democratization (The Chinese Economy Series)
Yanlai Wang
Manufacturer: Ashgate Publishing
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0754636208 |
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China's Economic Globalization Through the Wto (The Chinese Economy Series)
Manufacturer: Ashgate Publishing
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
Development & Growth
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ASIN: 075463194X |
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- History: Fiction or Science? (Chronology, No. 1)
- History: Fiction or Science? (Chronology, No. 1)
- History: Fiction or Science? (Chronology, No. 1)
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