Promise Unfulfilled: Unions, Immigration, and the Farm Workers (ILR Press Books)

Book Description

In 1975, after vigorous campaigning by the United Farm Workers union, the state of California passed Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA), a pioneering self-help strategy granting farm workers the right to organize into unions. A quarter century later, only a tiny percentage of farm workers in the state belong to unions, and wages remain less than half of those of nonfarm employees. Why did the ALRA fail? One of the nation's foremost authorities on farm workers here explores the reasons behind its unfulfilled promise.

Philip L. Martin examines the key features of the farm labor market in California, including the shifting ethnicity of the worker pool and the evolution of the major unions, beginning with the Wobblies. Finally, he reviews the impact of immigration on agriculture in the state.

Book Description

César Chávez and the farmworkers' struggle for justice polarized the Catholic community in California's Central Valley during the 1965-1970 Delano Grape Strike. Because most farmworkers and landowners were Catholic, the American Catholic Church was placed in the challenging position of choosing sides in an intrafaith conflict. Twice Chávez petitioned the Catholic Church for help. Finally, in 1969 the American Catholic hierarchy responded by creating the Bishops' Ad Hoc Committee on Farm Labor. This committee of five bishops and two priests traveled California's Central Valley and mediated a settlement in the five-year conflict. Within months, a new and more difficult struggle began in California's lettuce fields. This time the Catholic Church drew on its long-standing tradition of social teaching and shifted its policy from neutrality to outright support for César Chávez and his union, the United Farmworkers (UFW). The Bishops' Committee became so instrumental in the UFW's success that Chávez declared its intervention "the single most important thing that has helped us." Drawing upon rich, untapped archival sources at the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, Marco Prouty exposes the American Catholic hierarchy's internal, and often confidential, deliberations during the California farm labor crisis of the 1960s and 1970s. He traces the Church's gradual transition from reluctant mediator to outright supporter of Chávez, providing an intimate view of the Church's decision-making process and Chávez's steadfast struggle to win rights for farmworkers. This lucid, solidly researched text will be an invaluable addition to the fields of labor history, social justice, ethnic studies, and religious history.

Customer Reviews:

Scholarly yet readable account of the Church and farm labor........2006-10-23

The author is to be congratulated for this scholarly yet readable account of the involvement of the American Catholic Church with the struggle of farm workers for social justice. Based upon solid archival research, including access to the records of the Bishops' Ad hoc Committee on Farm Labor and the papers of Msgr. George Higgins, this is a condensed version of Dr. Prouty's doctoral dissertation from The Catholic University of America (CUA) in Washington, DC. Unlike many re-worked dissertations for publication, this account is a coherent and well written study that also tells a compelling story. His sympathy for Cesar Chavez, a hero of almost saintly proportions to many Hispanic-Americans, is not blind to Chavez's shortcomings in building a strong farm workers union that could sustain itself beyond the heady days of boycotts and hunger strikes of the 1960s and 1970s. Dr. Prouty also discusses the roles of the three churchmen who, as members of the Bishops' Ad hoc Committee on Farm Labor in the 1970s, were crucial to the accomplishments of the nascent United Farm Workers (UFM) union in receiving labor contracts from growers, many of them Catholic, as well as the passage of significant legislation by the State of California. These men, Cardinal Roger Mahoney, the Bishop Joseph Donnelly of Connecticut, and the aforementioned Msgr. Higgins, strongly supported the farm workers when many of their clerical colleagues were indecisive or even hostile.

Labor and Urban Politics: Class Conflict and the Origins of Modern Liberalism in Chicago, 1864-97 (Working Class in American History)

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Labor and Urban Politics: Class Conflict and the Origins of Modern Liberalism in Chicago, 1864-97 (Working Class in American History)
Richard Schneirov
Manufacturer: University of Illinois Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

Labor Policy | Popular Economics | Business & Investing | Subjects | Books

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General | Americas | History | Subjects | Books

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ASIN: 0252066766

The Triangle Fire, The Protocols Of Peace, And Industrial Democracy: In Progressive Era New York (Labor in Crisis)

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First attempts at tri-partite industrial democracy

The Triangle Fire, The Protocols Of Peace, And Industrial Democracy: In Progressive Era New York (Labor in Crisis)
Richard A. Greenwald
Manufacturer: Temple University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 1592131751

Book Description

America searched for an answer to "The Labor Question" during the Progressive Era in an effort to avoid the unrest and violence that flared so often in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In the ladies' garment industry, a unique experiment in industrial democracy brought together labor, management, and the public. As Richard Greenwald explains, it was an attempt to "square free market capitalism with ideals of democracy to provide a fair and just workplace." Led by Louis Brandeis, this group negotiated the "Protocols of Peace." But in the midst of this experiment, 146 mostly young, immigrant women died in the Triangle Factory Fire of 1911. As a result of the fire, a second, interrelated experiment, New York's Factory Investigating Commission (FIC)—led by Robert Wagner and Al Smith—created one of the largest reform successes of the period.

The Triangle Fire, the Protocols of Peace, and Industrial Democracy in Progressive Era New York uses these linked episodes to show the increasing interdependence of labor, industry, and the state. Greenwald explains how the Protocols and the FIC best illustrate the transformation of industrial democracy and the struggle for political and economic justice.

Customer Reviews:

First attempts at tri-partite industrial democracy.......2007-05-09

The working lives of garment workers in NYC in the early 20th century were horrendous: working conditions were miserable, unsafe, and unhealthful with autocratic employers subjecting employees to abuses and arbitrary rules, like having to pay for needles and thread, which was a not subtle way of cheating workers out of their already meager pay. This book is about the Progressive era reaction and solution to that workplace regime involving the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU), middle class reformers and experts, the Factory Investigating Commission (FIC), an arm of the NY legislature, and the garment workers themselves. The fire at the Triangle Company, located in the upper floors of the Asch Building in NYC and devoid of fire safety measures, where 146 shirtwaist-making women were trapped in a fire either burning or leaping to their death on March 25, 1911, served as a catalyst for the solidification of reform measures.

The book begins with the Uprising of Twenty Thousand, an industry-wide strike coordinated by the shirtwaist makers' union (a division of the ILGWU) in 1909. The owners and other forces of reaction overplayed their hands, as middle class society of NYC was aghast at the abuse that young striking women were subjected to on picket lines by thugs and policemen and by officers of the legal system. That public focus facilitated settlements with some improved working conditions, although Triangle workers returned to work with no new settlement with fatal consequences.

However the Great Revolt the next year involving 75 thousand cloak-makers (also a division of the ILGWU) finally achieved what Progressive reformers wanted: the clipping of the wings of unfettered business with tri-partite oversight involving the public, business, and workers represented by a union. The Protocols of Peace was a private agreement between the cloak-makers business association and the ILGWU that sought to define nearly all facets of the cloak-making business involving labor. No longer could workers simply walk off the job over a dispute. Instead all grievances had to be tendered to a multi-step grievance process while work continued. Union workers also gained the right of preferential hiring. Piece rates were now subject to joint consultation via shop committees. While the Protocols was a private agreement, designated neutral public members sat on boards at the highest levels.

Industrial democracy is a concept that gets considerable attention in this book and apparently had some resonance in that era. But its meaning is disputed. For many, industrial democracy may conjure a direct role for workers, perhaps through worker bodies, of defining and controlling most all aspects of work and directly negotiating compensation. Yet that is hardly what the "peacemakers,' that is the reformers, had in mind. The ILGWU's role was more to discipline workers and enforce the agreement than empower workers. Those different perspectives did clash. Workers became unhappy with such issues as the slow process of grievance settlement, the setting of piece rates, and employers ignoring union preferential hiring. Workers inevitably engaged in wildcat strikes to force resolutions, which were violations of the no-strike provisions of the Protocol.

Both the shortcomings of Protocolism and the tragic, yet highly preventable, deaths of over one-hundred workers in the Triangle fire spurred the formation of the FIC in June, 1911. In addition, Tammany Hall, the Democratic political machine in NY and dependent on working class voters, realized the necessity and opportunity to be pro-active concerning working conditions for their supporters. Two Tammany politicians, Al Smith and Robert Wagner, later of national stature, led the efforts to create the FIC to propose and enact pro-worker legislation. The FIC paralleled the Protocols in many ways as many reformers, intellectuals, etc worked with both bodies and addressed many of the same issues. Frances Perkins, a social worker later to become FDR's labor secretary, was a key figure in both bodies. The actions of the FIC advanced notions initiated by the Protocols with the difference being that legislation applied to all targeted citizens of the legislation with at least the possibility of state-led enforcement. Fire safety and sanitation issues were first on the FIC agenda followed by gender- and age-based legislation designed to protect the health of the targeted workers by limiting hours and night work. Non-gendered legislation, like minimum wage laws, proved to be fatally divisive to the FIC.

Both the Protocols and the FIC had either dissolved or lost effectiveness by 1916, though most of the FIC legislation remained in place. The idea of tripartite regulation of business had lost credence by the early 1920s, only to be revived in the New Deal by many of those individuals involved in the NYC garment wars. The book only covers a few years in one state - mostly one city, though the largest in the US - in an experiment in a nebulously defined industrial democracy. One is struck by the difficulty that workers had then and now in establishing humane and just workplaces and the fragility in maintaining any gains.

The book is definitely an insider labor relations book with assumptions being made about labor movement organization and labor terminology. The book proceeds first on the Protocol track and then secondly on the FIC track. Though occurring during the same time frame, the interactions and cross-impacts between the two are barely described. So many individuals and formal organizations, like boards, are named that at times maintaining continuity is difficult. For example, what "Board" is being discussed? Secondly, the author declines to offer much in the greater significance of the events and actions discussed. For example, where do garment workers of today stand? Is there the equivalent of the Protocols? How is industrial democracy viewed today by workers? By business? By the state? However, the book is a worthwhile contribution to the history of labor in America. It provides better context than most books that are concerned only with the Triangle fire.

Detroit, I Do Mind Dying: A Study in Urban Revolution (Classics Series)

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Yes, Militant Black Unionists Do/Did Exist!
Pages missing
An example for trade unionists and anti-racists.
Somebody please reprint this book!!

Detroit, I Do Mind Dying: A Study in Urban Revolution (Classics Series)
Dan Georgakas , and Marvin Surkin
Manufacturer: South End Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

Labor Unions | Politics | Nonfiction | Subjects | Books

ASIN: 0896085716

Customer Reviews:

Yes, Militant Black Unionists Do/Did Exist!.......2007-05-06

The League of Revolutionary Black Workers, Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement, and the rest of the "RUM"s in the Detroit area are all examples of the radical, black, socialist organizations discussed in this book. If your looking for a book that uses straight language and personal stories to provide a glimpse into an often neglected apect of US labor history then start here.

Also, the Updated Edition also has a nice introductory piece by Manning Marable as well as short reflective chapters written by members of the movements that the book concerns itself with.

Another book worth reading on this era from a more academic perspective is "Class, Race, and Worker Insurgency:The League of Revolutionary Black Workers" by James A. Geschwender.

Pages missing.......2007-01-10

The content of the book is fine. The production of the book is poor. My first copy came with 15 pages missing. The second copy came with 15 different pages missing. The publisher cannot promise a complete book for some time, so I would not suggest that anyone order it any time soon.

An example for trade unionists and anti-racists........1999-01-29

We often here about the 1960s as a time of radicalization for students and mystical urban heroes. Rarely is the working-class and trade union struggle ever revealed. Partly that is because working-class struggle was not at the heart of the civil rights movement and the anti-war movement. But Detroit: I Do Mind Dying tells a different story; one of a core of revolutionaries in the industrial heart of America within a union with a radical past. These black revolutionaries take on the racism of the bosses, as well as the racism of the union beauracracy, in a daring and valliant attempt to bring about real social change. Some lessons for activists, trade unionists, and socialists today are included by the authors. Questions of organizing white workers; the need for a national party; wildcat strikes to take on both the company and the union beauracracy; and the need to have an international perspective. All of theses lessons are brought forth from the struggles of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers and all of the Revolutionary Union Movements in the Detroit area. A must read for activists today.

Somebody please reprint this book!!.......1997-08-15

This is simply the best book written on the radicalization of the Black (and white/arab/latino) industrial working class in the late 1960's and early 1970's. It is also rich in lessons for radical unionists and socialists today. With all the academic presses churning out tome after tome on "race relations" why doesn't one of them pick up this fascinating book

Jobs and Economic Development: Strategies and Practice

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Jobs and Economic Development: Strategies and Practice

Manufacturer: Sage Publications, Inc
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

Labor Policy | Popular Economics | Business & Investing | Subjects | Books

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ASIN: 0761909141

Book Description

"Job-centered economic development" integrates approaches from the fields of economic development, employment training, social services, and community development, making access to good jobs a primary outcome. Its strategies focus on connecting disadvantaged adults and youth to family-supporting jobs in their neighborhoods, cities, and regional economies, and ensuring that those jobs are sustainable, providing the basis for long-term careers. Workable policies and practices for job-centered economic development are vitally important to agencies responsible for implementing welfare reform and workforce policy reform. It is a key element of the emerging "new federalism" in U.S. government, and therefore a development strategy critical to the future success of state and local governments.

The collection of perspectives in Jobs and Economic Development combines an understanding of today’s labor market with evaluations of current approaches to poverty alleviation. Case studies of successful jobs projects illustrate the ingredients needed for effective programs while also identifying the key factors related to program replication and bringing workforce innovations to scale. Finally, the book explores and documents the role of community organizing to bring about effective workforce development, the challenges for evaluators as they seek to understand the impact of these jobs projects, and how the politics of jobs plays out at the local and state levels.

Pensions in the Public Sector (Pension Research Council Publications)

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Public Pensions
Pension in the Public Sector
Sine - qua - non treatise on Pensions
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Pensions in the Public Sector (Pension Research Council Publications)

Manufacturer: University of Pennsylvania Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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ASIN: 0812235789

Book Description

Some 13 million public-sector workers in the United States--including teachers, police and firefighters, state and municipal employees, judges, and legislators--and another six million federal and military employees participate in government pension plans. These pension systems are extraordinarily diverse in design, investment policy, and governance, and they face substantial challenges as the government-sector workforce ages and governments are asked to take on new and different tasks.

Pensions in the Public Sector explores the diversity of governmental pension plans and investigates how these financial institutions must change in years to come. What can be done to help public-sector pension plans perform more efficiently and thereby enhance old-age security? Should they invest with social goals in mind, or should they convert to defined contribution plans, an initiative just beginning to garner popular support? Contributors to the book show that successful public-pension systems demand careful attention to benefit and financing policy, strong funding and investment performance, and continuous actuarial oversight. Several in-depth case studies illustrate how decisions are made at the individual pension board level, making the book exceptionally useful to policymakers in the coming decades.

Customer Reviews:

Public Pensions.......2004-06-02

Public employee pensions are in deep trouble in many countries, undermining economic policy and threatening retiree well-being. What can be done to help them perform more efficiently and enhance old-age security? This volume takes stock of public pension developments in the US and Canada, highlighting challenges these financial institutions face in coming decades. The first Pension Research Council study of public pensions in a quarter-century tackles these topics with an impressive team of international actuarial, legal, and economic experts.

Pension in the Public Sector.......2004-05-08

This book explores the diversity of governmental pension plans and investigates how these financial institutions must change in years to come. Public employee pensions are in deep trouble in many countries, undermining economic policy and threatening retiree well-being. What can be done to help these programs perform more efficiently and enhance old-age security? This volume takes stock of public pension developments in the U.S. and Canada, highlighting challenges these financial institutions will face in coming decades. The first Pension Research Council study of public pensions in a quarter of a century tackles these topics with an impressive team of international actuarial, legal, and economic experts.

Sine - qua - non treatise on Pensions.......2001-03-29

This is a sine qua non treatise for anybody having to deal with the subject of pensions. Edited admirably by actuarial scholars Mitchell, representing academia, and Hustead, representing private industry, the book covers all aspects of pensions in the private, public and academic sectors. The editors also write several individual chapters on their areas of super - expertise. Actually the most useful and comprehensive chapter, the one on governmental and military pensions, is written by the team Mr. and Mrs. Hustead. Mrs. Hustead is an expert attached to the White Houses' office of the budget. The most interesting chapter, this by Mr. Hustead alone, is the one with his lucubration on the pensions system, sometimes debacle, of the District of Columbia, Washington DC, the capital city of the USA. Although it was not the obvious intention of the author, it shows in a very peculiar and amazing way the vicissitudes of such a political entity that fully justifies the usage of vehicular license plates with the proclamation of "Taxation Without Representation" kindly exemplified by firmer President Clinton in the First Limousine, and, of course, immediately rejected by the Bush's administration. Finally, the selection of the goddess Minerva for the cover, is a master, and artistic, stroke.

Publisher's Comment.......2001-01-04

What can be done to help public sector pension plans perform more efficiently, and thereby enhance old-age security? In much of the world, public sector pensions are in deep trouble, undermining economic policy and threatening retiree well being. By and large, North American public pension systems have performed better, boasting tremendous assets and offering reasonable retiree benefits. Even here, however, military and civil service systems are not doing as well. This volume takes stock of public pensions in the US and Canada, offering lessons and highlighting challenges these financial institutions will face in the coming decades.

The first Pension Research Council study of public pensions in a quarter-century tackles these topics with an impressive group of international experts from the actuarial, legal, and economic fields. Contributors illustrate how reform options vary across uniformed employees, teachers, legislators and the judiciary, municipal and state employees, and military personnel. This study will be invaluable to taxpayers and their representatives, and those responsible for both public and private sector pensions.

Book Description

In this book, Bryant Simon brings to life the politics of white South Carolina millhands during the first half of the twentieth century. His revealing and moving account explores how this group of southern laborers thought about and participated in politics and public power.

Taking a broad view of politics, Simon looks at laborers as they engaged in political activity in many venues—at the polling station, on front porches, and on the shop floor—and examines their political involvement at the local, state, and national levels. He describes the campaign styles and rhetoric of such politicians as Coleman Blease and Olin Johnston (himself a former millhand), who eagerly sought the workers' votes. He draws a detailed picture of mill workers casting ballots, carrying placards, marching on the state capital, writing to lawmakers, and picketing factories. These millhands' politics reflected their public and private thoughts about whiteness and blackness, war and the New Deal, democracy and justice, gender and sexuality, class relations and consumption.

Ultimately, the people depicted here are neither romanticized nor dismissed as the stereotypically racist and uneducated "rednecks" found in many accounts of southern politics. Southern workers understood the political and social forces that shaped their lives, argues Simon, and they developed complex political strategies to deal with those forces.

Customer Reviews:

A really good book.......2003-03-23

I wanted to read this book, which actually covers the subject from 1910 to 1948, rather than as the title listed here indicates (1920-1948) because I wanted to know more about the flamboyant and racist Coleman Blease who in the early part of this century was such a prominent figure in South Carolina's politics. This book does tell a lot about Blease and his connection with the mill workers of South Carolina, but I found even more interesting the account of the career of Olin D. Johnston. Those who only watched his career in the U.S. Senate, once he finally got there, on his third attempt, in 1945, may not (as I did not) realize the extraordinary positions he took while Governor from 1935 to 1939--he took over the highway department by force, defying a Supreme Court ruling--and that he ran in 1938 against Cotton Ed Smith on a platform of 100% support for FDR. The racist climate of South Carolina got to him, however, and not till he became more anti-Negro was he finally elected. The book also relates the fascinating account of Peter Richard Moody, a student at Wofford College, and the poem he wrote in 1936 which led the Legislature to order a mental examination of Moody, and the funny account of the result of the mental exam. The book traces the efforts and hopes of the disadvantaged millhands, and amply justifies the title of the work. Anyone interested in Southern politics should read this enlightening and well-researched book. The bibliography alone runs 30 pages, and I found the book unique in its subject. A minor note: a footnote on page 291 says poet Moody became a professor at the U.S. Military Academy, whereas it appears that actually he was at the Air Force Academy.

This is a wonderful book........1999-09-30

Fabric of Defeat's title sounds like a downer, but this is an wonderful book that is fun to read. Simon does a particularly good job of talking about race in an industry that was "lily white," as the saying goes. He manages to discuss racist white workers without either apologizing for them or indicting them. Rather he gives texture to their racial ideas, explaining how views of race and class changed in relation to each other as the New Deal broadened the political vision of South Carolina's millworkers. This is a book I would certainly assign to undergraduates.

Changing Welfare Services: Case Studies of Local Welfare Reform Programs (Haworth Health and Social Policy) (Haworth Health and Social Policy)

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Changing Welfare Services: Case Studies of Local Welfare Reform Programs (Haworth Health and Social Policy) (Haworth Health and Social Policy)
Micheal J., Ed. Austin
Manufacturer: Haworth Press Inc.
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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Book Description

Contains field-tested techniques to enhance the effectiveness of your local social services!

Changing Welfare Services: Case Studies of Local Welfare Reform Programs describes promising programs and practices that have emerged in the United States since the enactment of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. Using case studies, this reference provides important lessons that will help social service directors and staff to develop strategies that will improve local welfare-to-work services. This casebook focuses on the agencies rather than the welfare population, emphasizing the guiding values of these agencies and the lessons they learned.

Changing Welfare Services explores new approaches to service delivery, with emphasis on removing barriers to work force participation and promoting self-sufficiency through support services. The case studies involve programs focused on working with the community by developing partnerships with local organizations to provide better services. This text emphasizes the organizational changes—such as the development of new training programs, merging employment and social service agencies, and restructuring agency programs to foster collaboration between child welfare services and welfare-to-work programs—that were successful strategies used to implement welfare reform.

In Changing Welfare Services, you will learn about:

the Connections Shuttle and the Guaranteed Ride Home Program—transportation services for welfare-to-work participants
the Exempt Provider Training Program— trains Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) participants and others to launch and improve their own high-quality child care businesses
co-location of support services—situating mental health and substance abuse services near the social services agency so TANF participants can make a single visit for all necessary services
the Family Loan Program—helps low-income families deal with large or unexpected one-time expenses
the JobKeeper Hotline—provides round-the-clock counseling, crisis intervention, and referral services to help participants stay employed
and much more!

Book Description

On September 9, 1919, an American nightmare came true. The entire Boston police force deserted their posts, leaving the city virtually defenseless. Their strike made an inconspicuous governor, Calvin Coolidge, known throughout America, turning him into a national hero and, eventually, a president. It also created a monster: for two days, more than 700,000 residents of Boston's urban core were without police protection, and the mob ruled the streets.

Customer Reviews:

A history of Boston and America in the years after WW1.......2007-01-30

This book is great for anyone interested in Boston history, labor history or American history in the period following WWI when labour unions were striking all across the country and fear and violence were shaping politics in America.

The riots, and the politically shrewd actions of Goverenor Calvin Coolidge led to his election as President in a time when the handling of unions and strikes was as important of an issue as any in modern day politics.

I highly recommend this book if you are interested in seeing what life was like in 1918, what happens when the police force of a large city strikes, and what chain of events can propel a man to the highest political office in the world.

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