Book Description
The Working American Bulldog is a comprehensive history of a specific breed of dog, the American Bulldog. This is the most numerous rare breed in the US. This book gives information about training, raising, breeding, care and nutrition of American Bulldogs.
Customer Reviews:
"My " Working American Bulldog.......2007-05-21
The most comprehensive book to date on the subject of the American Bulldog. Dave Putnam really did his homework as for as the history & orgins of the breed, although when he gets to the modren AB it becomes more obvious that he favors the "standard" over the larger "Johnson" type. With that aside I still consider it "a most have" for any AB owner, except I think he should have change the name of the book from "The Working AB" to "My Working AB" seeing as how most of the text is about personal experiences of his dog, & not the breed in general.
Must read for American Bulldog Lovers.......2007-05-11
Exellent book on American Bulldogs. Goes into deep detail about how these dogs came about and what they where used for then and now. Lots of pictures from training to hunting. Would recommend to anyone that likes bully dogs and wants to do some research about them.
A lot of Information!!.......2007-05-07
I just got my 1st AB and after reading this book I realize so much more about the breed than just an adorable puppy. He has such a persoanlity and in the book it explains a lot.. I recommend it to any AB or Future AB owners!!
Good Book.......2007-02-21
This book is a good book on AB's lots of info ,pics etc,,,
A good read........2006-02-01
I enjoyed this book and would recommend it to anyone interested on AB's or dogs in general. Excellent
Amazon.com
Few people outside certain scholarly circles had heard the name Robert D. Putnam before 1995. But then this self-described "obscure academic" hit a nerve with a journal article called "Bowling Alone." Suddenly he found himself invited to Camp David, his picture in People magazine, and his thesis at the center of a raging debate. In a nutshell, he argued that civil society was breaking down as Americans became more disconnected from their families, neighbors, communities, and the republic itself. The organizations that gave life to democracy were fraying. Bowling became his driving metaphor. Years ago, he wrote, thousands of people belonged to bowling leagues. Today, however, they're more likely to bowl alone:
Television, two-career families, suburban sprawl, generational changes in values--these and other changes in American society have meant that fewer and fewer of us find that the League of Women Voters, or the United Way, or the Shriners, or the monthly bridge club, or even a Sunday picnic with friends fits the way we have come to live. Our growing social-capital deficit threatens educational performance, safe neighborhoods, equitable tax collection, democratic responsiveness, everyday honesty, and even our health and happiness.
The conclusions reached in the book Bowling Alone rest on a mountain of data gathered by Putnam and a team of researchers since his original essay appeared. Its breadth of information is astounding--yes, he really has statistics showing people are less likely to take Sunday picnics nowadays. Dozens of charts and graphs track everything from trends in PTA participation to the number of times Americans say they give "the finger" to other drivers each year. If nothing else, Bowling Alone is a fascinating collection of factoids. Yet it does seem to provide an explanation for why "we tell pollsters that we wish we lived in a more civil, more trustworthy, more collectively caring community." What's more, writes Putnam, "Americans are right that the bonds of our communities have withered, and we are right to fear that this transformation has very real costs." Putnam takes a stab at suggesting how things might change, but the book's real strength is in its diagnosis rather than its proposed solutions. Bowling Alone won't make Putnam any less controversial, but it may come to be known as a path-breaking work of scholarship, one whose influence has a long reach into the 21st century. --John J. Miller
Book Description
Once we bowled in leagues, usually after work -- but no longer. This seemingly small phenomenon symbolizes a significant social change that Robert Putnam has identified in this brilliant volume, Bowling Alone, which The Economist hailed as "a prodigious achievement."
Drawing on vast new data that reveal Americans' changing behavior, Putnam shows how we have become increasingly disconnected from one another and how social structures -- whether they be PTA, church, or political parties -- have disintegrated. Until the publication of this groundbreaking work, no one had so deftly diagnosed the harm that these broken bonds have wreaked on our physical and civic health, nor had anyone exalted their fundamental power in creating a society that is happy, healthy, and safe.
Like defining works from the past, such as The Lonely Crowd and The Affluent Society, and like the works of C. Wright Mills and Betty Friedan, Putnam's Bowling Alone has identified a central crisis at the heart of our society and suggests what we can do.
Customer Reviews:
A exhaustive work calls for a long review (sorry).......2007-10-22
I greatly respect what Dr. Putnam is trying to do with this book; so I want to be charitable in my review. I purchased this book because I have recently felt a bit `disconnected' from society personally. I wanted to do some evaluation of my own experience vs. his presentation of mass changes in social trends. To put it simply: Am I `bowling alone' because of ME or because of some greater social trends in America I happen to be living through?
My review is long because this is a very `dense' work, as another review put it. The book is greatly bolstered with supporting statistics (ad infinitum, it seems). I realize that there is virtue in supporting your thesis with hard quantifiable numbers. I wish more would do that. The conflict or down side of that is - that statistical presentation is frankly... boring. So this is not an entertaining or fast read; it's not a page-turner. It certainly is not literary bubble-gum. This is a full academic social study presented to the general populace.
However, his efforts and objective is wonderful, and to be lauded. One has to respect that. There is some humor peppered here and there. It would be great if he could put his statistical data off in some kind of sidebar and separate it out from anecdote, examples and generalities - to make the reading a little smoother. I confess I found myself skipping over some statistics just to get his real point. The hard statistics and whatever examples he presents are all mashed together in the same paragraph.
He does a great job of staying quite neutral with respect to political, social or religious ideologies and groups. Thankfully, the writer is not an alarmist. Except for the thought that this trend is dangerous, he has largely left out his own feelings with some excellent academic objectivity. [I wish more academics would do THAT!] He avoids nostalgia and emotion, simply making a case for the decline and revival of American social connectedness (stated as `social capital'). It's just that he goes through a GREAT deal of statistics to do so. There's even a graphic chart depicting how often people observe stop signs vs. glide through the intersection - down through the decades! It's called, `The Changing Observance of Stop Signs' (page 143). At times he digresses into tangents that have minor bearing on social connectedness, in my opinion. This lengthens the book a bit, but that point is minor.
I definitely will take some good thoughts with me from this book. (It is this disconnectedness that has largely caused the current great rift between right and left, liberals and conservatives.) It's good to have some light on the phenomena we see in our civic and social circles.
Excellent Data, Interesting Story... may be limited by logical fallacy.......2007-09-19
This is a well written book about the decline of certain activities that have historically been central to the "social capital" of American society and the pervasive consequences on American lives. While I think much of Putnam's story is on the mark, I believe his diagnosis of the problem depends on several logical flaws and this could potentially imply that different conclusions should be reached. Let me explain:
The book basically says, "here's a laundry list of activities that Americans don't do as often as they used to including clubs, religious activities, unions, house parties, picnics, etc." The evidence is overwhelming that all of these activities have become less common as a share of American activities. They're all major components of what we typically consider social activities. Putnam therefore concludes that Americans are building less social capital. Does this evidence lead to this conclusion? Let's replace some of the words and concepts and perhaps we can illustrate why it may not.
Assume Americans are spending less money (or a smaller percentage of their income) on makeup, perfume, and hair salons (I don't necessarily believe this is true, but for the sake of the example). We consider all of these activities beautification. Now would a reduction in the share of household wealth spent on these activities necessarily imply that Americans care less about beauty or are less beautiful? What if we "forget" to mention (or simply miss) that people are now spending a huge share of wealth on plastic surgery and that this didn't even exist in our "reference period?" What if people are spending less on makeup because they get far more "beauty" for the same amount of money today?
To be truly conclusive, Putnam needs to not only prove that people are spending less total time on social activities but that these social activities are less rewarding on the whole (and what we've replaced them with are not more rewarding than our losses).
Critical to this point is the question, "what is it that social capital is supposed to deliver?" I took the time to write this review instead of socializing. I won't necessarily receive any direct compensation from a reader as I might have gotten from the friend (emotional support, contact to a job, introduction to a significant other, fun of company). It appears that I've lost social capital. BUT, how many of your friends would you have needed to ask before you got a review like this (or others submitted here). How many friendships would I have had to make to get the benefit of the other reviews that I've read on Amazon. Am I worse off or have I simply participated in a less personal exchange that is of much greater value to society (and in the long run to myself)?
In the same vein, I may not go hang out with my friends the way my parents did, but I can IM and TXT my friends no matter where they are in the country. I may not meet my neighbor but I can share interest in games or politics or economics with people around the country and I'd like to think I get a lot out of my participation in these kinds of communities. Is my life really worse if I can't invite all of these people to the bowling alley with me? Is my life or my participation in society really diminished if I don't attend a meeting in their physical presence?
If I had no friends in town, certainly the cost would be real. But I would never trade my deep personal relationships with friends in New York, Pittsburgh, and Chicago for a dozen bowling buddies here in Columbus.
Despite my concerns regarding the specific arguments and conclusions, I actually enjoyed the book and encourage people to read it. However, the book only receives 4 stars because the data may not necessarily justify the conclusions and readers are therefore cautioned about taking it all at face value.
Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community.......2007-09-10
Why does the idea of community seem to have vanished? Why are we not as close to our neighbors as our grandparents used to be? What are the changes that have accorded in these last few generations that have caused such isolation? Read Bowling Alone to find out what has killed the spirit of neighborliness and volunteerism.
Social Capital without a shared vision??.......2007-07-12
Putnam has done a good job of marshalling an incredible amount of graphs, tables, charts, etc. while still keeping the reader's (my!) interest. He makes an impressive case on 2 fronts: one, that we're less socially connected today, and not as socially invested as we once were; and two, this state of affairs is not a good thing in many ways (personal and social health, etc.). The book is far less convincing when it appears to suggest that the great template for a generation that DID invest heavily in social capital was the generation that had its heyday in the post-war years. In other words, the "greatest generation." While I believe that they were heavily socially invested, and developed many and wide-ranging ways to increase that social capital, I do NOT believe that our (or future) generations can replicate that. We now celebrate tolerance and diversity today, in fact worship at their feet. Previous generations in this country did not, and that's the rub. You need a society that's pretty much agreed on what makes a good life or a good person before you can get large numbers of people to sign on to groups that nourish that idea. Today, we live in a circus atmosphere in which there is no right or wrong way to live, as long as you stay out of my hair. That might be well and good, but HARDLY a vision that will inspire any investature of social capital. I don't think Putnam sees this difficulty clearly enough (although he does mention it) because if this difficulty is insurmountable (as I think it is unless society undergoes a sea-change in belief) there is NO remedy for modern society's fragmentation. I guess what I'm saying is that you need a vision of community that the vast majority of movers, shakers, and regular folks have bought into, before you can talk about recapturing that sense of community. And today we don't have that, not even close. Tolerance and diversity both act to fragment community and that process is only accelerated when such attitudes are held by societal leaders. Putnam also needs to focus more on the decade of the 60s (say from 1963 - 1973) and fess up to the fact that people--whether they totally bought into the cult of the individual that sprang from that time or not--were ALL affected by that decade. Society simply looked at things differently (specifcally authority-mediated knowledge) when they came out this end of that decade. We can't go back, and Putnam ought to know that every time he sits in a faculty meeting at Harvard and looks at the non-conformist dress, jewelry and lifestyles that are exhibited there (imagine their wardrobe and attire on 1950s' Harvard faculty!). Each generation learns its knowledge base from authority-mediated knowledge transfer--either formally or informally, from sacred texts to how to use a crescent wrench. The post-60s generations simply do not and cannot look or accept authority like the generations that Putnam praises for their civic involvement. He castigates television for much of the problem but to me that's more symptom of this deeper cause (else why is the older generation somehow nearly immune to watching TV as much as the younger). I also wonder when Putnam tries to make a case for how social involvement can help the individual but using a quick vignette of an affluent couple who try and increase social involvement and capital by NOT taking their kid out of public school. This coming from a professor at the most well-known PRIVATE institution of higher learning in the country?? I wonder how many of his colleagues have their children in public schools, or would put them in some of the worse public schools, far from Cambridge, Mass? still, this is a thoughtful book and societal critique, whether you agree with his assessment or not. It will engage you.
A thoroughly researched opus -- a must-read for anyone interested in American society.......2007-06-18
As I read through Putnam's book, I was repeatedly impressed by how thoroughly researched his points were. Bowling Alone has over 100 figures and tables dispersed throughout, and while that would be considered an "overly academic" death knell for most books, this book comes out as both interesting and highly readable. The points are backed up by hard facts and Putnam is very careful to state which opinions are his own as opposed to some other source's. His style of reasoning and argument always includes an examination of possible alternative explanations, which is something all non-fiction writing of this type should require.
In this book you will learn a good deal about the advantages and disadvantages of community groups and why America -- as a society -- has drifted away from the close-knit communities of the 1950s and early 60s. Bowling Alone is one of those rare books that has a little bit of everything: sociology, psychology, urban planning, political commentary, and good old-fashioned statistical analysis. And these topics are all covered in a way that bring the social phenomena to light without getting bogged down in the numbers. Putnam's book is truly an impressive piece of work.
Book Description
Why do some democratic governments succeed and others fail? In a book that has received attention from policymakers and civic activists in America and around the world, Robert Putnam and his collaborators offer empirical evidence for the importance of "civic community" in developing successful institutions. Their focus is on a unique experiment begun in 1970 when Italy created new governments for each of its regions. After spending two decades analyzing the efficacy of these governments in such fields as agriculture, housing, and health services, they reveal patterns of associationism, trust, and cooperation that facilitate good governance and economic prosperity.
Customer Reviews:
"Civic-ness" and Democracy.......2006-08-31
In the early 1970s, political power was decentralized in Italy. The power once held by the central government in Rome was reallocated to the newly created regional governments. Constitutionally, the regions possessed similar political institutions. However, the regions varied socially, economically and in political context. Putnam, seeing a ready laboratory for social science, chose to study the role of environmental factors on institutional performance in the new regional governments. Institutions serve as Putnam's independent variable, while a number of environmental factors act as the dependent variables. As such three main research questions emerged; 1) how does institutional change affect identity, power, and strategy of the regional political actors, 2) how is institutional performance a function of history, and lastly 3) which features of social context most powerfully affect institutional performance (8).
In examining the institutional impacts on identity, power, and strategy of regional politicos, Putnam builds upon the "new institutionalism" proposed by March and Olsen. According to the new institutional paradigm: intuitions reshape the identities of political actors, redistribute political power, and instill new norms for political behavior. Putnam argues that the identity of regional political actors has evolved to create a system in which actors experience an "ideological depolarization." Party identity has become less extreme and regional politicians have taken a more centrist stance than their counterparts in the central government. This has lead regional politicos to develop a more accepting attitude of rival parties and a system of consensus in which inter-party conflict has been replaced by cooperation. The author argues that such changes in political identity occurred due to the institutional structure of the regional governments. As regional institutions became more developed, regional actors saw loyalty to regional constituents as more important than party loyalty. As such, pragmatism replaced ideology in regional politics (39).
In addition, the institutional changes reshaped the distribution of political resources. Putnam says that once institutions are in place, they create their own momentum. With political actors gaining more autonomy from the central authority, regional leaders began to form coalitions and demand greater recognition and power from the government in Rome. As such, the distribution of political power was changed so that an increasing amount of control fell to the regional government.
Also, the changes in institutional structures at the regional level caused changes to the political norms previously held by the regional constituents. First, because of the decentralization of power, the constituents and regional politicos are closer in proximity, which made regional politics, "hands-on, face-to-face." Politicians became more administratively motivated than politically motivated. In addition to the close proximity, regional actors adopted more democratic sentiments and less elitist views of governing. They became more concerned with regional issues than vying for political power at the national level. Such a relationship has lead to an increased legitimacy for regional governments. Still, the efficiency of the Italian regional governments is relative. Putnam writes, "Popular legitimacy of new institutions, even successful ones, grows only gradually" (60).
In addition to examining the impact of institutions on political actors, Putnam seeks to examine the relative performance of the new regional institutions. In order to test institutional performance, Putnam looks at two areas, responsiveness to constituents and the efficiency in conducting the business of the public. The author divides the indicators of institutional effectiveness into three broad spheres: policy process, policy pronouncement, and policy implementation. Policy process examines the institution's decision making process. Policy pronouncement examines the government's ability to recognize social needs and offer solutions, and policy implementation serves as a measure of the ability of the regional government to implement policy in the major sectors of activity. In Putnam's study it was unsurprisingly discovered that effectiveness and responsiveness as measures of institutional performance are closely related. In measuring performance, Putnam discovered that although institutionally the same, some regions performed better than others. Putnam attempts to explain the differences between institutional performance through an examination of regional socioeconomic modernity (economic growth following the industrial revolution) and civic community ("civic involvement and social solidarity") 83. Although Putnam readily admits that those regions which had a "head start" economically, most notably those regions in the north, are likely to have more efficient institutional performance than their southern neighbors, socioeconomic factors may not explain the whole story of performance difference. Rather, Putnam concentrates on the development of civic community as a catalyst for successful institutional performance.
A healthy civic community, according to Putnam, is a driving force behind a successful democratic government. In his description, Putnam sees four main themes that accompany civic community: civic engagement, political equality, solidarity/trust/tolerance, and associations. Civic engagement includes active political participation by members of the community. Members of the civic group must be interested in public affairs and be willing to work towards better the community as a whole. Political equality also is imperative for a healthy civic society. According to Putnam, a civic society with political equality is characterized by a horizontal power structure, one in which all parties are equal, as opposed to a hierarchical structure in which patronage and dependency are prominent. In the realm of individual and group interactions in the civic society, actors must have a sense of solidarity, trust, and tolerance. The author readily admits that the civic community will be far from conflict-free, but so long as participating parties maintain the premises of solidarity, trust, and tolerance, negotiation and comprise will occur, hopefully promoting a utilitarian sense of good.
Putnam calls the aggregation of civic engagement, political equality, solidarity/trust, and associations, and region's "civic-ness." Regions with a high level of "civic-ness" are less apt to have constituents who use a preference voting ballot, are more likely to turnout for referendum voting, read newspapers, and have a large variety of civic associations. In addition, Putnam discovers that constituents in regions with a higher level of civic-ness experience a greater trust and contentment with their governments. The author finds that those living in a region with a strong civic group have a greater trust in their elected officials, feel a good deal of participation in the political process, and that political leaders are genuinely concerned with the well-being of the populous. As such, Putnam argues that regions with greater "civic-ness" have a better quality of democracy than their less civic counterparts.
In developing a sense of "civic-ness" the problem of collective action may emerge. Putnam proposes a number of solutions to the collective action problem. First, Putnam builds upon the "soft" solutions proposed by Robert Bates. Such solutions include community development and creating a sense of trust between citizens. Putnam proposes increasing community development through the promotion of human capital development. The author argues that investments in social capital help alleviate collective action problems. Like monetary capital, once an investment in human capital occurs, social capital will grow exponentially. He writes, "Other sources of social capital, too, such as social norms and networks increase with use and diminish with disuse" (170). As such, in order for a sense of "civic-ness," and subsequently, effective and equitable institutions to emerge, first an investment of social capital must occur.
A Classic Text of Modern Political Science.......2005-11-21
Robert Putnam's work has become a Political Science classic. His work is part of new area of research -- civic participation. During the past decade, this area has exploded from obscurity twenty years ago to being one of the most popular fields today. Putnam's works have had a profound impact on many other areas in the Political Science world, from local governance to international political theory. Regardless of whether you agree with his theories, if you are at all interested in Political Science, it is a must read. Moreover, either "Marking Democracy Work" or "Bowling Alone" are becoming standard texts used in most 100 & 200 level undergraduate courses.
trite conclusions, flawed methodology... but engaging prose.......2002-04-04
It's unfortunate that given the opportunity and resources to study the birth and development of regional government in Italy over the course of twenty years, the best conclusions Putnam was able to draw from his observations are hackneyed paraphrases from Tocqueville. Most of his most careful fieldwork yields results that are stultifyingly obvious; and it's hard not to think that his questions and indicators were not deliberately chosen to demonstrate foregone conclusions. Probably most irritating to me is Putnam's irresponsible use of history as a tool for proving continuities that are largely imaginary.
That said, Making Democracy Work is not a boring read, and its flaws at least encourage the reader to contemplate the million ways the book and the study it describes might have been better.
Beginning in 1977, Putnam and his colleagues studied the performance and reception of the 15 regional governments that had been first established in 1970. Given pre-existing disparities among the regions -- economic, cultural, political, demographic, nevermind linguistic and geographic -- it's little surprise that the researchers found that not all the regional governments developed the same way. While he found that the 'institutional socialization' of the new parliamentary bodies had a consistently positive effect on the regional politicians' growing professionalism and willingness to explore constructive compromises with ideological opponents, the governments were not uniformly effective or responsive, nor were their constituents uniformly happy with their efforts.
Ruling out economics as a determining factor in these disparities (through a series of statistical negotiations that show an appalling lack of understanding about basic economics), and drawing heavily from Tocqueville's ideas about the mystical cultural underpinnings for successful democracy, Putnam constructed a 'civic community index' -- a list of indicators including newspaper readership, membership in associations, and what might be called 'enlightened' (abstract, issue-oriented) versus 'parochial' (personal) voting patterns. Again, it's small surprise that he finds a close correlation between the regions' scores on this index and their constituents' relative satisfaction or dissatisfaction with their regional governments.
Trying to explain why this might be so, Putnam then launches into a heavily simplified -- at times almost fanciful -- exposition of 1,000 years of Italian history in which somehow economic development patterns, demographics, religious institutions, and systems of political organization experience enormous changes while cultural traditions of 'civic-ness' remain more or less consistent, wonderfully cohering to the boundaries described by the modern regions and their scores on Putnam's civic community index. He concludes that habits die hard -- whether these be 'good' habits of mutual trust and social reciprocity or 'bad' habits of atomistic self-interest and traditionalist dependency -- and that the effects of institutional change on social and cultural norms is gradual, perhaps so gradual as to be almost imperceptible within a single lifetime.
Stopping just a hair's breadth short of claiming that culture determines economic and political success in the modern world, Putnam does the next worst thing, which is to give credit for present-day disparities in wealth and power to 'historical trends' in cultural development that don't bear close examination by anyone even slightly familiar with Italian history. For example, given Putnam's assessment of the disparity between North/Central Italy (very civic) and the 'amoral' South (terribly un-civic), the first with its innovative and republican cultural of mutual trust and democracy, the second with its stubbornly backward vertical social hierarchies, one could be forgiven for imagining that the South must certainly have been the base of support for Italian fascism in the 30s and 40s -- while in fact it was the gloriously civic-minded North that provided Mussolini with his most consistent support.
On the surface, there's nothing wrong with Putnam's basic political belief -- that democracy is strongest when it's built on a foundation of social reciprocity and trust, civic engagement, etc. My criticism shouldn't be taken as a condemnation of efforts to build or strengthen civil society, or to promote participatory democracy -- far from it! The trouble with Putnam's argument is its methodology, and the pernicious cultural determinism that lurks behind his rhetoric about path-dependent history.
It's NOT the economy, stupid . . . it's civics!.......2001-02-23
The central concept of Putnam's study is "institutions," but he frames these institutions as both an independent and a dependent variable. Positing that institutions shape politics, but institutions themselves are shaped by history, Putnam is able to explain both the causes and the effects of political institutions among Italian regions. The "effects" portion of his study is the lesser of the two in importance; basically, the fact that all Italian regions got identical institutions in 1970, and yet the performance of these institutions varied widely across Italy, sheds much doubt on the questionable theory that formal institutional design itself is a primary determinant of government performance (although most Italians North and South agree that the new regional governments have been a change for the better).
But if institutional design has limited explanatory power, then what other variable can better account for institutional performance? This is the more important half of Putnam's work, for it is where he shows that "social context and history profoundly condition the effectiveness of institutions" (182), by unveiling his more controversial and powerful independent variable: civic culture. What is civic culture? It goes by many names and concepts for Putnam (civic traditions, political culture, civic involvement, social capital, republican virtues) but in its most basic form it is "norms of reciprocity and networks of civic engagement" (167).
In contrast with the existence of this civic culture in Northern Italy, identified as having a millenium-long pedigree due to the North's highly decentralized political history, Putnam uses the concept of "amoral familism" to characterize the civic culture (or lack thereof) in Southern Italy. Amoral familism implies that reciprocity and engagement are limited to family relations and to vertical networks of hierarchical power alone (in contrast to more participatory and egalitarian horizontal networks in the North), and that all other social relations, as a consequence, are characterized by material self-interest. Tracing the evolution of amoral familism to Southern Italy's monarchical past, Putnam finds that Southern regions have been doomed to institutional failure by their civic legacy, just as the North was guaranteed a relatively easy success by theirs. Putnam summarizes these two divergent starting points as "vicious and virtuous circles that have led to contrasting, path-dependent social equilibria" (180).
To prove this main causal argument, that civic culture determines institutional performance, one would obviously need adequate measures for both civic culture and institutional performance. As evidence of institutional performance, or "good government," Putnam chooses twelve indicators: cabinet stability, budget promptness, statistical and information services, reform legislation, legislative innovation, day care centers, family clinics, industrial policy instruments, agricultural spending capacity, local health unit expenditures, housing and urban development and bureaucratic responsiveness. Putnam then further evaluates the validity of these indicators by surveying both elite and public opinions regarding the institutional performance of their regional governments, to see if the public's perception matches his own.
For evidence of his primary independent variable, civic culture, Putnam proposes four indicators to put his finger on this elusive entity. These indicators are: voluntary associations, newspaper readership, referenda turnout, and (lack of) personalized preference voting. Putnam also correlates these "objective" measures with more opinion-based survey indicators of civic culture.
Most of Putnam's evidence coheres quite well with his causal argument. His quantitative indicators of both institutional performance and civic culture are relatively broad and accurate, with the minor exceptions that would be inherent in any attempt to quantify a complex, multi-dimensional concept like "civic culture". The strong statistical correlations identified by the measurement of his indicators, backed up with corresponding qualitative evidence (some, but not all of it historical), can probably be taken as reliable evidence of a meaningful causal relationship (in Italy) between civic culture and institutional performance. Perhaps the most striking implication of these results is that the ubiquitous relationship between economic development and democracy is actually shown to "disappear" in a statistical sense. In other words, Putnam has controlled for economic development and found that civic culture predicts both democracy and economic development, perhaps even better than economic development itself. This finding, if confirmed in other studies and settings, would obviously topple quite a few of the canonical theories in comparative politics.
Intriguing Thesis - with reservations.......1998-11-08
Putnam's thesis on the importance of social capital in engendering the successful functioning of democracy is an intriguing idea that merits serious reflection in our context today. His study of the community-organizations in Italy, and their effects on the effective workings of democracy on a regional and national level, highlight the importance of civic organizations and their ability to inculcate in their members a sense of civic duty - which consequently leads to a vibrant democracy. This book is perhaps especially fitting in the American context today in light of declining interest in politics, diminishing belief in the efficacy of governing institutions in solving problems, and the general ethos of apathy and frustration felt around the nation in the realm of democracy (something that the most recent election's low voter turnout indicated). Although the study is interesting, the idea is perhaps a little less useful in the pragmatic sense; one could run into the question of a chicken-and-egg scenario where there is a debate between which came first: vibrant democracy or civic organizations. Regardless, the book is one of the best in its subject area and a recommended read for any student interested in such issues.
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North America's Favorite Butterflies: A Pictorial Guide
Patti Putnam , and
Milt Putnam
Manufacturer: Willow Creek Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 1572231092 |
Book Description
Butterflies are hot! No one knows this better than butterfly expert, gardener and lecturer Patti Putnam and her butterfly expert spouse - gardener and photojournalist Milt Putnam. Featuring outstanding color photographs with nuggets of important information on each butterfly, the Putnams have assembled an easy-to-use, easy-to-carry field guide to North America's 50 most popular butterflies.
Book Description
William James (1842-1910) was both a philosopher and a psychologist, nowadays most closely associated with the pragmatic theory of truth. The essays in this Companion deal with the full range of his thought, including technical philosophical issues, religious speculation, moral philosophy and political controversies of his time. New readers and nonspecialists will find this the most convenient and accessible guide to James currently available. Advanced students and specialists will find a conspectus of recent developments in the interpretation of James.
Customer Reviews:
Terrific, in-depth study.......1999-09-14
I highly recommend this book, for anyone who has read and admired something of James' work and who wants to know what some of the brightest minds of our own time have to say about it.
A warning, though, this is not a "popularization," a dilution, an "introduction to James," or the Cliff Notes version! You have to have read the real thing to appreciate the commentary. To put it differently, if you know some Jamesian texts, you will appreciate the way this book puts them into a CON-text.
I especially recommend chapter seven, by T.L.S. Sprigge, called "James, aboutness, and his British critics." Sprigge shows what is wrong with some common criticisms of Jamesian pragmatism, criticisms first posed by the two British critics mentioned in the chapter title, G.E. Moore and Bertrand Russell.
Average customer rating:
- "Bittersweet, a Poignant Story & Diary of Past Remembrances"
- Awesome Reading
- A history lesson on the Putnams and Amelia Earhart
- I Lost Interest ...
- Much Ado Over One Woman's Family Connections.
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Whistled Like a Bird: The Untold Story of Dorothy Putnam, George Putnam, and Amelia Earhart
Sally Putnam Chapman , and
Stephanie Mansfield
Manufacturer: Grand Central Publishing
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20 Hours, 40 Min: Our Flight in the Friendship
ASIN: 0446520551 |
Customer Reviews:
"Bittersweet, a Poignant Story & Diary of Past Remembrances".......2007-09-16
"Whistled Like a Bird: The Untold Story of Dorothy Putnam, George Putnam, and Amelia Earhart", by Sally Putnam Chapman, Warner Books, NY 1997. ISBN: 0-446-52055-1, 266 pgs., HC plus 60 B/W photographs, 9 1/4" x 6 1/4".
The author, Sally Putnam Chapman, step Granddaughter of Amelia Earhart, writes a passionate story of her Grandmother, Dorothy Binney Putnam (DBP), 1st wife of her Grandfather George Palmer Putnam (GP). Much of the authoress's material was obtained from 10 diaries entrusted to her by Grandmother Dorothy.
The '20s and '30s were momentous times, periods of profound societal unrest of all sorts, including the Great Depression, witnessing development of aviation as an industry, world travel, industrialization, feminist and/or equalist movements, and strivings to become included or a part of those wealthy social family circles & networks that in turn both craved and provided acclaim and opportunity to adventurers, explorers, writers and the like - most importantly to the likes of aviatrix Amelia Earhart (AE) and publicist/writer George Putnam (GP).
In this book we learn Dorothy had unfulfilled sensual cravings in her marriage to GP, even prior to AE entering the picture, and we learn of her despondency, depression and passions which consumed her: -- we discover she is unappeasable as a mere observer, housewife and unwilling to simply grow old(er) without establishing her own mark in the world - we are led to believe this was in part due to her own Mother's unkind remarks that she was not pretty and so should depend on acquiring conspicious skills to compensate and compete as an adult, -- something she did do extraordinarily well, even admirably so, in so many tasks that included outings, party-gatherings, flying, club organizations, athletics, writings, agriculture, & many social graces including piano.
The book runs amok what with the multiple marriages, flings & affairs, & divorces, etc. of both GP and DBP. It is an excellent read and subject to personal interpretation of the psychological ruminations and troubles of many, where envy, competitiveness and even ghosts seem to play a part. AE emerges unscathed and in the end, a forgiveness by DBP and DP prevails -- to each his own and in their own times -- a comely philosophy permits yet another generation to register their paths.
Awesome Reading.......2001-09-06
The time and research it must have taken to write this book is commendable. We have a read so much about Amelia but to hear about Dorothy and the incredible life that she lead was truley facinating. I would highly reccomend reading this book.
A history lesson on the Putnams and Amelia Earhart.......2000-03-27
This is the story of the Putnam family and Amelia Earhart. George Putnam eventually married Amelia, but prior to that was her publicity director and writer of her adventures. Also interesting to learn is the Putnam family was huge in the publishing industry back then but also have a part in the invention of Crayola crayons. Much of the book is Dorothy's diary, which makes it kindof a slow read.
I Lost Interest ..........1999-01-15
I've read many books about the great aviatrix, Amelia Earhart. This one tells of Amelia's role in an already failed marriage, much like our country has given us the personal failures of our own President. Although the connection to Amelia is the lure of the book, the story is based more on the author's free-will interpretations of her grandmother's diaries -- what she must have thought, reacted, felt. The entries, in Dorothy's voice, seem distorted with many episodes, imagined. Should everyone's diary be at the mercy of their relative's own interpretations after their death? If the grandmother had written from memory, exactly how it was, would the story change? Dorothy's diary held the details of a troubled life (for a woman of privilege), still (without her input) and the author's self-promoting connection as a the distant "step-great-granddaughter" is hardly the stuff of interesting literature. I would recommend readers acquire actual biographical books to satisfy real curiosity about the lives of deceased heroes.
Much Ado Over One Woman's Family Connections........1999-01-15
This book begins with a touched-up photo on the cover, meant to superimpose the characters upon each other. How much of the assumptions about how Dorothy Putnam felt or how she really reacted in her status as a publisher's wife can a reader believe? Surely, there is a story in Amelia Earhart's life for all time, but this book seems to be a sort of self-promotion for the author's distant family connections -- the (yet-unborn) great granddaughter of the (already deceased) Amelia Earhart. If the book were written based on Dorothy Putnam's own version of the story or Amelia's version, it might be more believable. Still, it is always interesting material to delve into anyone's personal diary -- famous or not....
Book Description
The William Lowell Putnam Mathematical Competition is the premier undergraduate mathematical competition in North America. This volume contains problems from the years 1985–2000, with solutions and extensive commentary. It is unlike the first two Putnam volumes and unlike virtually every other problem-based book, in that it places the problems in the context of important mathematical themes. The authors highlight connections to other problems, to the curriculum, and to more advanced topics. The best problems contain kernels of sophisticated ideas related to important current research, and yet the problems are accessible to undergraduates. The heart of the book is in the solutions, which have been compiled through extensive research. In editing the solutions, the authors have kept a student audience in mind, explaining techniques that have relevance to more than the problem at hand, suggesting references for further reading, and mentioning related problems, some of which are unsolved.
Customer Reviews:
excellent book.......2007-01-10
problems and answers are clearly explicated. great for studying or just satisfying your curiosity
Good reference for the budding problem solver........2004-02-26
I did Putnam in 2002 and solved 6 full problems. The future Putnam competitor should make it a point to consult past Putnam problems to successfully make the switch from olympiad problems to the Putnam. Not that it is a big change, but to do well in Putnam you have to know at least some basic trick in calculus, analysis and such. This is a good starting point in making that transition.
On a whole another level, even research mathematicians (problem solver type) can benefit from the 'tricks' and nuances of the 'toy' problems (e.g Putnam problems) in honing their problem solving instinct.
A Great Book..........2002-12-15
Not much can be said about this book: you get exactly what you have in mind. First part of the book lists every problem from 1985-2000 Putnam exams, the second part provides hints to each of the problems in case you are stuck. The last part contains detailed solution(s) to every problem. It is an excellent book... Good luck on the test if you will be taking it.
Average customer rating:
- Technical Journal with Historical Perspective
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Power from the wind
Palmer Cosslett Putnam
Manufacturer: Van Nostrand Reinhold
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ASIN: 0442266502 |
Customer Reviews:
Technical Journal with Historical Perspective.......2004-01-19
This is the story of the Putnam-Smith Wind turbine, how it came into existence atop Grandpa's Knob in Western Vermont, and the technical challenges in selecting the design and location. The book is well organized like a statistics or engineering thesis, but contains a wealth of anecdotal analysis and practical information presented in what is now a historical frame of reference.
Individual chapters offer excellent resources for many disciplines including statistical analysis, meterology (the party conducted a 5 year wind regime study), ecology and engineering.
What I liked most about the book was the patience evident in the process of development. Too often today we see projects rushed ahead without due study. Not only was a 5 year study of wind flow over mountain ridges conducted, designs from 4 other countries were considered before a unique design for a wind turbine emerged. While some of the specifications are no longer relevant due to technological advancements, other areas of detail no doubt remain relevant and interesting to anyone with a mind for engineering, invention or with an appreciation of ecologically sound power generation.
Book Description
Euclides da Cunha's classic account of the brutal campaigns against religious mystic Antonio Conselheiro has been called the Bible of Brazilian nationality.
"Euclides da Cunha went on the campaigns [against Conselheiro] as a journalist and what he returned with and published in 1902 is still unsurpassed in Latin American literature. Cunha is a talent as grand, spacious, entangled with knowledge, curiosity, and bafflement as the country itself. . . . On every page there is a heart of idea, speculation, dramatic observation that tells of a creative mission undertaken, the identity of the nation, and also the creation of a pure and eloquent prose style."—Elizabeth Hardwick, Bartleby in Manhattan
Customer Reviews:
From a frequent Brazilian traveler.......2006-03-21
In addition to the reviews previously posted, my advice to the non-intellectual reader is to first read Errol Lincoln Uys's Brazil, which is an easy to read historical Michener-type novel that will frame the events of the eye witness account of the "rebellion" of Canudos documented in d Cunda's book. After reading Rebellion in the Backlands, I recommend Mario Varges Llosa's The War at the End of the World, again a novel but featuring a fictionlized Euclides da Cunha that makes The Rebellion in the Backlands even more understandable. Both Llosa's and Cunha's books are required reading in Brazilian schools and I believe it would be a waste of time to try to gain insights into today's Brazil without giving yourself this very unique experience.
Great Book, but a Challenge.......2004-12-03
This is not an easy book. Don't pick it up if you like pop novels and sci-fi. It's for the serious reader of history, military tactics, and social upheaval. Da Cunha is a brilliant observer of the 1896-97 Brazilian military's crushing of an ostensibly revolutionary movement in the dry interior. Brutal, honest, clear, incisive. An amazing and challenging book.
All the ingredients of a historic epic.......2003-12-16
"Rebellion in the Backlands" is one of the best books ever written in the Brazilian literature and one of the most poorly known, given the intrincacies of the Euclidian vocabulary. The centennial of the first publication of the book was commemorated in 2002 not only in Brazil but also abroad, where there are many intellectuals who are keen of everything related to the book, the so-called euclidians. "Os Sertões", the Brazilian Portuguese name of the book, is an epic and was inspirational to many ancient and modern films run in Brazil about the conflict, and also to a book by the Peruvian celebrated author Mario Vargas Llosa ("The War at the End of the World"), who had Euclides da Cunha as idol since his childhood.
Euclides da Cunha, then a war correspondent of the very famous southern Brazilian newspaper O Estado de S.Paulo, wrote the book with a view to the conflicts ocurring in Bahia, after the so-called Proclamation of Republic, in 1889, thus ending 72 years of monarchical rule, something which upset many powerful landowners tied to imperial interest to raise arms against the new republican order. The revolt, known as the War of Canudos, as a historic fact, was eventually lost and the insurrects had to put down their arms, and the battle was won by government troops, but the War of Canudos was to enter Brazilian history as one of the cruelest ever fought in Brazil, and the government had to spend much more money than at first foreseen, losing its face in the end: how come a so strong army had so much difficulty to conquer a bunch of illiterate misers?. All this to kill the dozens of thousands of insurrected who amassed themselves in the poor village of Canudos, in the northeastern region of Brazil, the poorest region of a poor country.
From the side of the mutinees, the revolt had (almost unwittingly in the beginnin) a leader, Antonio Conselheiro, a mystical man who wandered for years in the hinterlands of Brazilian Northeast, followed by growing multitudes of disposessed, who saw in him a religious man to rescue Catholic fundamental religious values of medieval importance, and to whom they follow as sheeps follow their sheperd.
To sum it up, the book has all the ingredients of a good historic novel, despite its characters being non-conventional. I hope you enjoy it as I did.
It Really Is That Great.......2002-12-29
Da Cunhaýs 1902 book has been justifiably called the ýBible of Brazilian Nationalityý. This is a challenging book, over 500 pages in this edition, dense and probably unsuitable to those who need the stimulation of a pop novel. Da Cunha was present at the 1896-97 military assaults on the rebellious village of ýCanudosý in the arid Brazilian interior. A gifted writer with a background as a military engineer, Da Cunha brings a precise expertýs eye to the military campaigns, never failing at such details as order of battle, casualties, supply lines, and tactics. The campaigns themselves were stirring and bloody affairs: four separate military campaigns, each larger than the last that met increasingly stiff resistance from the Canudos villagers. In the end, 10,000 souls may have perished on both sides. The end, of course, is well known to all Brazilians. ýCanudos did not surrender. The only case of its kind in history, it held out to the last man. Conquered inch by inch, in the literal meaning of the words, it fell on October 5, toward dusk ý when the last defenders fell, dying every man of them. There were only four of them left: an old man, two other grown men, and a child, facing a furiously raging army of five thousand soldiers.ý
If the book were merely a military history, it would be successful. But it is far more, for Da Cunha is more than just a military observer. He is geologist, geographer, anthropologist, sociologist, and historian. This book literally defines the still-nascent nation of Brazil. The backwoods villagers of Canudos were inspired by a religious fervor cultivated by a heretical evangelist named Antonio the Counselor. Their story is part Masada and part Waco. Da Cunha places Antonio in the context of his own life and the development of Brazilýs interior. While sometimes indulging in unfortunate racial generalities, Da Cunha takes an incredible interest in the geography of the region, describing how it shapes people. How the society that emerges in such a poor and desiccated land can yield the lawlessness and anomie suitable for the development of an Antonio. Da Cunha both despises and respects the villagers, ýjaguncosý, in Canudos. He hates their illiteracy, superstition and backwardness while grudgingly praising their bravery, loyalty, and cunning.
Canudos, in his view, is a time warp, Brazilian society spun back to a primitive time, and for that all Brazilians share guilt. He blames urbanites and elites, the generals and craven politicians, the recently deposed monarchy and the addiction to European styles for the evolution of a Canudos. Two Brazils have developed, he writes, one is built on the European and Portuguese model and necessarily fails to address the second Brazil, the one populated by millions of rural souls in the impoverished interior, for Portugal was never faced with such a community.
Da Cunhaýs genius is demonstrating that Canudos is a consequence of the failure to develop a unified national identity that incorporates all Brazilians. It is a battle between old poor Brazil and progressive modern Brazil. Thus his book was the first step to defining the true Brazilian nationality, one that survives to today ý a nationality that blends European, African, and native traditions. A nationality to which all Brazilians now belong. Canudos was a wrenching experience in many ways. There was immediate and widespread shock over the year of military disasters and thousands of casualties inflicted by a ragtag band of backlanders. Then there was the deeper self-analysis that accompanied the publication of this book. Like other American states, Brazil could never survive until it stopped looking to the Old World and developed its own identity, one shaped by its own people and circumstances, and one that acknowledged the existence and worth of every citizen.
The enduring testament to Da Cunha is that he was among the first to recognize the need for such a national self-criticism, and his work is one of the efforts that launched it. Brazil is what it is today in part because of the clarity of Da Cunhaýs vision of Brazil as set out in this monumental work. Canudos was a Brazilian failure, and this book went a long way to finding the solution. It really is as great as they say.
A Masterpiece of History, Literature and Ethnology.......2000-01-09
This book is familiar to every educated Brazilian, but is not widely known in the USA; it should be.
It recounts a historical episode of 1896 and 1897. The government of the Republic of Brazil decided to suppress a religious sect of perhaps 7000 members, some of them violent and lawless, living in a remote rural area; the sect denied the legitimacy of the Brazilian Republic. The ensuing campaign lasted ten months, involved the deaths of hundreds of Brazilian army soldiers, and culminated in the extermination of the sect; these days it might be considered genocide.
The book's author, a formal professional Brazilian army officer, covered the campaign for `O Estado do Sao Paulo', Brazil's equivalent to the New York Times. He was horrified. So he wrote this book, which has beeen compared to everything from Lawrence's `Seven Pillars of Wisdom' to Dickens, Carlyle, and the prophet Ezekiel. Originally published in 1902, it has been in print in Brazil ever since.
The book is tough reading (and is no easier in Portuguese than in English; Samuel Putnam, the translator, did a superb job.) So why should one read it?
For one thing, it poses in the starkest possible terms a dilemma we still face from time to time. Under what circumstances, and to what extent, is it ethical for an elected representative government to coerce an organized group of its citizens who sincerely deny the legitimacy of the government and the laws?
And, it forces the reader to ask: What is history? How should it be written? How do the facts of history depend on cultural assumptions? Euclides da Cunha, like Thucydides, could find no suitable model for what he wanted to write, so, like Thucydides, he invented his own. I think this book could serve as fertile ground for a productive discussion among social constructionists and their adversaries.
The thoughtful reader will also ponder on what central message da Cunha was trying to convey; in later life da Cunha declined to clarify this. One possible answer is implied in `The War of the End of the World', a novel drawn from da Cunha's book by the Peruvian writer and politician Mario Vargas Llosa. But I have seen other possible answers in thoughtful commentaries on da Cunha's book, so the reader may wish to decide for himself or herself.
Finally, despite its difficulty, the book is great literature. It accelerates steadily from a seemingly interminable prolog in which nothing much seems to be happening to a climactic ending so gripping and fast paced that it's hard to stop reading. The only other author I'm familiar with who employs this technique as effectively is Thomas Mann.
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