Book Description
On the eve of his inauguration as President, Woodrow Wilson commented, 'It would be the irony of fate if my administration had to deal chiefly with foreign affairs.' As America was drawn into the Great War in Europe, Wilson used his scholarship, his principles, and the political savvy of his advisers to overcome his ignorance of world affairs and lead the country out of isolationism. The product of his efforts-his vision of the United States as a nation uniquely suited for moral leadership by virtue of its democratic tradition-is a view of foreign policy that is still in place today. Acclaimed historian and Pulitzer Prize finalist H. W. Brands offers a clear, well-informed, and timely account of Wilson's unusual route to the White House, his campaign against corporate interests, his struggles with rivals at home and allies abroad, and his decline in popularity and health following the rejection by Congress of his League of Nations. Wilson emerges as a fascinating man of great oratorical power, depth of thought, and purity of intention.
Customer Reviews:
Good Insight Into Wilson.......2006-02-13
H.W. Brands has written ambitious biographies of American historical figures, including a major work on the life of Andrew Jackson. Here, in keeping within the format of the American Presidents Series, Brands has writtten a shorter, but nontheless, insightful work. Wilson might have been a great president but, he was flawed. He was stubborn and uncompromising. Although he suffered a major stroke in his second term, he evidentally had suffered other, less serious strokes over the years. It is difficult to say whether his physical condition led to his unwillingness to yield but, much that could have been accomplished through compromise never came to fruition.
An early sign of Wilson's concreteness appeared during his presidency of Princeton University. There was a dispute as to whether the graduate school should be located on the main campus or at another site. Wilson, a proponent of locating it on campus refused to negotiate a compromise and the project was stalled.
Wilson was a Virginian and his racial attitudes were that of the Jim Crow South. However, being president of Princeton established his credentials as a New Jersey resident and Democratic party leaders put him up for governor of that state. He was elected and he showed remarkable independence as he proposed reforms that disappointed the party leaders and led them to consider him to be an ingrate. Later, when he was elected President of the United States, he continued his reform path in domestic matters.
What defined his presidency was World War I and its aftermath. After the war, Wilson traveled to Europe to negotiate the peace treaty. On a tour of Europe, he was cheered wildly whereever he went. He was a genuine hero. However, in the negotiations England and France sought to impose harsh terms on Germany whereas Wilson sought more leniency. The heart of Wilson's Fourteen points proposal was a League of Nations. This League was included in the treaty and Wilson's next major battle was to get the Senate to ratify it. Here is where Wilson's stubborness did him in. Rather than negotiate with Republicans in the Senate, led by Henry Cabot Lodge, Wilson bypassed them and took his case to the people in a speaking tour. This was not the way to win favor in the Senate.
Wilson's most egregious error, probably compounded by his stroke, was his total unwillingness to yield on one point regarding the League of Nations; i.e. a clause that required members to come to the aid of other members militarily. Republicans in the Senate were concerned that this clause might weaken US sovereignty. They noted that under the Constitution, it was the Senate, not the President who decalred war. Paul Johnson, in his "History of the American People" noted that if one of Great Britain's colonial possessions, such as India, had been attacked, the treaty might require the United states to get involved militarily. Anyway, Wilson refused to allow a reservation which would clarify the United States' understanding of the clause to the satisfaction of Lodge and other concerned Senators. Accordingly, the treaty didn't pass the Senate.
The tragedy of the Wilson presidency is that so much more could have been accomplished. He was a great reformer on domestic issues and was a popular war president. However, his one major flaw kept him from achieving true greatness. Brand does a good job in capturing the essence of Wilson and I recommend this book.
Wilson-lite.......2005-11-01
You must guard your expectations on a biography (especially of a two term president) that only reads 138 pages. However, I thought that H.W. Brands could add his typical free flowing style and story-telling ability to make a completely satisfying short-read. Unfortuantely, Brands delivers his least inspired performance in telling the story of Wilson. Obviously, the context of the project (a short "taste" on the life of Wilson) curtailed Brands style, which I found to be my biggest disappointment.
As a whole - the life of Wilson is fascinating - a great turning point in the life of "liberals" (While Wilson would certainly not be considered a "liberal" by today's standards). Wilson implemented the 8 hour work day, the FTC, and stiffened anti-trust laws.... not to mention a monstrous epidemnic of the flu... and oh yeah.... World War I. Unfortunately - most of these issues are just briefly touched on (The flu epidemic was not even mentioned).
As a whole - I found this to be a fair brief glimpse into the life of Wilson. However, I would have love to read one of Brand's standard 400 pagers on the life of Wilson.
Architect of the Modern Era?.......2004-03-26
No one can truly understand the issues of the modern era without knowledge of of the man who mid-wifed it into existence, Woodrow Wilson. In his biography of Wilson's presidency, Professor H.W. Brands brings his insightful style and keen sense of relationships between critical events. One learns enough from this rather short book to ask the next set of more interesting questions.
Absent Wilson, would there have been a central bank, the Federal Reserve, in the U.S.? How did the Wilson presidency effect the direction of the national income tax? What did Wilson do to foster the growth of centralized federal power in the U.S.?
Absent Wilson's inept diplomacy, would the U.S. have become so involved in World War I, first by funding Britain and France, and then by participating in the combat? Would the Great War have lasted so long and caused so much damage to the fabric of European civilization and colonial influence? Would the world ever have heard of Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini, veterans both of front line combat?
Absent U.S. participation in the European War, would a pedestrian lawyer, and middling state-level politician named Franklin Delano Roosevelt have found his first federal job as Assistant Secretary of the Navy? Would the U.S. ever have bred such soldiers as Douglas MacArthur and Harry Truman, and most of the rest of the list of future political-military leaders of mid-century?
Absent events put into motion by Wilson, would Russia have broken up and descended into a Bolshevik Revolution? Would the Ottoman Empire have dissolved, to spawn the modern politics of the Middle East? Would the concept of League of Nations/world governance ever have gained the traction it did?
Had Wilson never been president, would the U.S. and the world have had a far different 20th Century? Or was Wilson just one man in a particular time of great change? Germany and Italy had been building centralized, debt-financed governance for 40 years by the time Wilson walked into the White House. So did Wilson make history, guide history , or was he merely governed by historical forces whose time had come?
Like it or not, we lived the 20th Century in Wilson's Century, and in the 21st Century we still follow the path he blazed. Wilson's ghost hovers over the plains of the Republic, walks the halls of power in every government building, and touches the lives of every person who draws a breath.
As Expected, a Solid Effort from Brands.......2003-12-11
H.W. Brands' output over the last five years has been enormous. From huge biographies on Theodore Roosevelt and Benjamin Franklin to fair-sized books on the California Gold Rush and several major U.S. business figures to a slim volume on Americans' relationship with their federal government, the Texas A&M historian has published at least six books over the last five years that I'm aware of. The four which I've read have had the same qualities: solid scholarship and writing, but nothing flashy or standout about them.
Brands' biography of Woodrow Wilson fits in this pattern. The book is an easy and enjoyable read. The scholarship is solid (I enjoyed reading the short but striking comments for each of the books mentioned in the "selected bibliography"). Occasionally, Brands is even eloquent as when he describes the effect on Wilson of the death of his first wife.
Nevertheless, as with every other book of Brands I've read, "Woodrow Wilson" never soars to become a great work. The reason eludes me. Brands seems to have all the gifts to write a memorable history or biography, but his work remains a little too flat and it fades too quickly from the reader's mind. He does not break out of this mold with "Woodrow Wilson".
Overview of an Idealist.......2003-08-07
The American Presidents series, condensed biographies of individual presidents by eminent historians, makes the lives of our nation's readers accessible for general readers. That said, the books work better when resurrecting the memory of nearly forgotten minor presidents such as Rutheford B. Hayes than they do documenting the accomplishments of major historical figures like Woodrow Wilson. Simply put, Wilson's life was just too full to be given real justice by a 40,000 or so word manuscript.
Limited by the format, Texas A&M Professor of History H.W. Brands gamely gives it his best shot. The author of such first rate works as "TR - The Last Romantic" and "The Age of Gold" recounts Wilson's life, devoting most of the mere 139 pages of narrative to his presidency. It's a good overview, and one that will likely whet the appetite of many readers to know more. Wilson was a strong, controversial and enigmatic leader. A progressive and idealist on the international front, for example, he was still very much a son of the South who strongly supported segregation at home. Brands deals with such events as World War One, the failed battle for ratification of the Versailles peace treaty and Wilson's debilitating 1919 stroke, but doesn't delve much into the details.
Overall, a good if all-too-brief overview of Woodrow Wilson's life.
Book Description
In his widely acclaimed To End All Wars, Thomas Knock provides an intriguing, often provocative narrative of Woodrow Wilson's epic quest for a new world order. The account follows Wilson's thought and diplomacy from his policy toward revolutionary Mexico, through his dramatic call for "Peace without Victory" in World War I, to the Senate's rejection of the League of Nations. Throughout Knock explores the place of internationalism in American politics, sweeping away the old view that isolationism was the cause of Wilson's failure and revealing the role of competing visions of internationalism--conservative and progressive.
Customer Reviews:
Woodrow Wilson and the League of Nations.......2005-03-30
This book is about Woodrow Wilson's quest for a new world order during and after WW I, especially his strong desire for the creation of a League of Nations which would mediate all future disputes between nations. The U.S. Senate, of course, voted it down. I found it interesting how the country (and Wilson) had strong socialist leanings, especially in international affairs, until War was declared in 1916, when a huge reaction took effect. Knock does a good job relating events and portraying Wilson as one whose ideas for truly ending warfare was convincing to world leaders but not his own country. The effort of trying to persuade his countrymen of the importance of a League probably broke his health and led to his death. Recommended.
Meticulous study on the League of Nations.......2002-01-01
When I was very young, I read somewhere that Wilson was the greatest swindler in human history. And Wilson has always been a mistery to me. Reading this book, I expected to learn the reason why Woodrow Wilson decided to lead America into World War I. But it was not a main theme of this book. And the explanation about it was not satisfactory to me. My misunderstanding about Wilson, however, is removed now thanks to this book.
Thomas J. Knox decidedly focused on the League issue. He meticulously studied the process of the formation of League of Nations. And his analysis of American political spectrum of that era - especially progressive internationalism & conservative internationalism - was excellent. It was very helpful in studying American history.
A Good Analysis of President Wilson's Views.......2001-09-21
To End All Wars attempts to show where President Wilson's ideas on the League of Nations came from and why he ultimatly failed. A fascinating protryal of early 20th century poltics, Knock successfully intergrates both the domestic policies of Wilson with his international policies. The links between the progressive, pacifist leagues and Wilson's views are clearly marked and appear credible. What is not examined is the moral conflict between Wilson's anti-war views and the fact he lead the country into World War I. Further research into this inconsitency could have led insight into why Wilson treated his former progrssive allies with such contempt as the war progressed. The ultimate result was his political inability to convince the American people to join the League of Nations after he alientated his greatest supporters.
Turning Your Head Around on Woodrow Wilson.......2000-05-31
Professor Knock turned my head around on the foreign policies of Woodrow Wilson. This book takes the reader back into the 1890s, when Wilson was a professor of politics and history, in its quest to understand the evolution of his foreign policy thru American entry into the First World War. Nothing is sacred in this author's hands either. He devises a large-scale drama encompassing a spectrum of players--Jane Addams, William Howard Taft, Elihu Root, Eugene Debs, and more--as he dissects how and why Wilson failed to gain Senate ratification for the Treaty of Versailles. If it is a familiar story, Professor Knock's retelling of it is both original and compelling. I think this is the single most important book currently available on Wilsonian foreign policy.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent -- with some shortcomings.......2003-09-12
August Heckscher's one-volume biography of Woodrow Wilson is a lucidly written and admirable account of our 28th president, but marred by troubling omissions and inconsistencies.
Heckscher persuasively argues that the first southerner elected to the presidency since Reconstruction wasn't really southern at all. In fact, with the exception of Andrew Jackson, no other American president had family roots so newly established in this country (his mother and all four grandparents were born in England). Although he was reared in the South -- born in Virginia, and spending his childhood as a Presbyterian preacher's son in Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina -- his family was not a member of the Old South aristocracy, but rather missionaries of the church in what Heckscher implies was more or less a foreign land. He was, in short, no more a southerner in the White House than an American missionary returning from Africa is a Cameroonian.
Also, we learn little of Wilson's political consciousness as he progressed in his academic career at Bryn Mawr, Wesleyan, and finally Princeton. Why was he a Democrat? Because nearly all white men hailing from the South in post-bellum America were Democrats? Heckscher doesn't bother to explain. We hear nothing of Wilson's opinions of presidents Cleveland or McKinley, or other leading party statesmen of the day. Why did the Democratic Party's conservative wing consider Wilson to be "their candidate" in the 1910 New Jersey gubernatorial race? Because he was an inveterate foe of William Jennings Bryan, the Party's progressive standard-bearer? But he was also highly thought of at the time by Teddy Roosevelt, a "progressive's progressive."" Heckscher tries to shed a little more light on this question, but it is still far from clear how or why a liberal academic with Wilson's publications could have been pegged as a conservative Democrat.
Most surprisingly (and disappointingly), the implications of Wilson's devout Christianity and his now infamous racism are almost totally shunted aside. Heckscher notes that Wilson had something of an epiphany while a teenager and that henceforth his relationship to God was central to his character and subsequent behavior, but that relationship plays no major role throughout the rest of the narrative of his life. Based on other readings of Wilson's life, it seems to me that one can't fully understand Wilson without understanding his faith and how that faith shaped his worldview and his actions -- particularly in his fight for the League of Nations -- and Heckscher's work does almost nothing in that regard.
There is an ongoing debate about how much an historical figure should be held to modern standards of racial or religious tolerance and acceptance (Truman's anti-Semitism is a good example, and, of course, there are the slaveholding presidents of the 18th and early 19th centuries). Wilson has been one president excoriated for his racist views, which seem all the more grotesque because they came from one of the nation's most progressive and visionary leaders, and without doubt its most educated (Wilson dropped out of UVA Law School but passed the bar in Georgia, and received his Ph.D. in political science from Johns Hopkins). Rather than taking this question squarely on and offering an explanation and assessment of Wilson's views on race, Heckscher just avoids it entirely. He says that Wilson personally favored promotion of civil rights for black Americans, but the passage of the New Freedom was the sine qua non of his administration's domestic agenda and for that to succeed he needed a united Democratic Party. The only way he could achieve unity was to abandon civil rights, which, Heckscher says, he did unhesitatingly, but with a heavy heart. There isn't a single reference to Wilson's many racist statements in this massive tome. If you'd read nothing more on Wilson, this biography would give you the impression that he was a moral crusader for black equality.
The Wilson that emerges from the pages of Heckscher's work is something of a pathetic figure, which is astounding because the author is so clearing sympathetic with his subject, as is often the case in presidential hagiographies. Wilson comes across as a politician who was not-quite-ready-for-prime-time. When confronted with political opposition -- whether as president of Princeton, governor of New Jersey, delegate to the 1919 Peace Conference, or as president trying to pass the League of Nations -- Wilson showed no art of political persuasion or ability to compromise. Rather, his visceral reaction was to go over the heads of his opponents making demagogic appeals to the people. His hope was always to crush his opponents under the strain of popular approval, but it almost never worked out that way. Moreover, he was quick to attack anyone not 100% with him as being in the enemy camp, which further eroded his ability to affect an outcome in his favor.
In the end, after a series of strokes left him an invalid, Wilson succeeded in alientating even his most ardent loyalists, such as Joseph Tumulty and Colonel House, with his erratic and vindictive behavior. Heckscher accuses Wilson's second wife, Edith Bolling Galt, with deliberately fostering animosity in the cabinet and making sure that Wilson would not resign for reasons of health despite the fact it left the country virtually rudderless in the stormiest of international seas. Many figures in the Wilson administration take a few lumps in this biography, but none more than Galt, to whom the author attributes no redeeming qualities or positive contributions.
What is most frustrating about this book is that it is so good in so many ways that its few notable shortcomings seem almost tragic. Neverthess, the good outweighs the bad, and it is to be recommended in spite of its warts.
Effective. Worthwhile. Good........2000-03-17
This is a good biography of Wilson. While not great, it is effective and well considered - the author knows a great deal of Wilson's papers, having apparently worked on them for years. Worth both the time and the money. And it contains a wonderful bibliography for further Wilson reading. For what it's worth, I recommend it.
A biography that is not worth your time........1997-04-08
An poorly researched biography that, while long, still does notprovide a full picture of Woodrow Wilson. Even after 500 pages I stilldid not know much baout the TWW's inner workings; what made him tick. There was a paucity of documents used as examples, despite his being President for eight years. He is given to us as an automaton, moving from one job to the next, and we are never privy to his superior intellect. Go read McCollough's bio of Truman instead.
Customer Reviews:
a good book, often a great book.......2006-07-04
I recently became interested in TR. This book brought forth the life stories of two political giants and made sense of their lives together. Though they lived a great portion of their lives in different realms, ultimately the focus of this book, presidential politics, and esspecially foreign policy, bright the two adversaries together. Cooper does a great job demonstraiting their importance to the "American presidency," and esspecially the shaping of twentieth century foreign policy.
Two presidents not compared often enough.......2002-10-17
"John Milton Cooper...blends these contrasting and kindred elements into a masterful portrait of two of our most intriguing presidents," David Kennedy in the New York Times Book Review, November 20 1983. TR and Wilson are often considered to be the same, especially in the in the domestic realm. The New Freedom was simply an extension of New Nationalism. But Cooper espouses the differences through analysis of both important domestic debates and the politics of war and internationalism. For anyone interested in studying Roosevelt, Wilson, and the Progressive era this book is an important read.
ok, but lacks depth and originality.......2001-06-26
When I picked this up, I thought: hey, why not two bios for the effort of one? Why not indeed: you can't delve deeply enough into these two substantial and complex lives in this context. THere is some useful comparisons made of their careers, but it is way way too ambitious. While you do get many of the factual basics, which were indeed interesting, neither of these past Presidents comes alive.
REcommended only for the facts. Look for flavor and pyschological depth elsewhere.
Well-reason parallel lives.......2000-12-13
This is a great work of scholarship dealing with two of the most important figures of the early 20th century. Cooper is able to bring out the differences in the approaches that both men had in setting the US political agenda in the early 20th century. Cooper is always a great treat to read. I must say that the title is somewhat interesting. When looking at Roosevelt or Wilson who is in fact the warrior and who the priest?
a poor book, often a bad book.......2000-09-04
This is a poor book. Indeed, it is often a bad book. Cooper's idea of a biography comparing Roosevelt and Wilson is a conceit that does not come off. This biography has all the genre's vices. Complex movements like Progressivism are clumsily personalized. Although Cooper is mildly critical of his heroes (particularly their criticisms of each other) he ignores their worst aspects. On Wilson and race: "Wilson belived that blacks were not innately inferior to whites and would eventually, probably in two or three centuries, achieve a measure of economic and political, if not social, equality." (210) I challenge anyone to read Wilson's papers and come up with so emollient a verdict. On Roosevelt's artistic appreciation: "...Roosevelt based his cultural views upon wide cultivation and genuine reflection." (87) Now considering that Roosevelt considered Duchamp trash, viewed the Kreutzer Sonata as obscene and sniffed that James, Dickens, Gorky and Zola were not gentlemen, I beg to differ.
Admirers of Roosevelt's foreign policy will not be burdened by any mention of atrocities in the conquest of the Philippines. In fine bipartisan tradition the faked elections in Nicaragua and the massacres in Haiti under Wilson's rule are not mentioned either. Be it Wilson's refusal to pardon Eugene Debs or the dark genocidal streams in Roosevelt's racism, the conservative, reactionary or just downright rotten opinions (on unions, immigration, Mexico, anti-hyphenation) are either ignored or equivocated to death in Cooper's account. Considering America's size, wealth and security, its rise as a world power was almost inevitable after 1865. As such a strictly biographical approach reveals very little. Both presidents were skilled administrators, and especially skilled in belittling liberal causes when they weren't popular, taking credit for them when they were, and trimming one's sails with the conservative tide. As a result they are bestowed the honor and glory that belongs to better and braver men. But one remembers that American history would not be too different if they had never lived and one also remembers not to put one's faith in princes.
Book Description
"I would rather lose in a cause that will some day win, than win in a cause that will some day lose!" - Woodrow Wilson
- For better or worse, Woodrow Wilson's vision of America's role in the world continues to be heard today - preserving civilization and making the world safe for democracy
- Woodrow Wilson was key player in seeking a peaceful solution to World War One - many of the principles outlined in his Fourteen Points remain with us today, enshrined in the mandate of the United Nations
- The League of Nations was one of the great political debates in US history - might its success have changed the course of world history?
Based upon the recently completed publication of the Wilson Papers, Woodrow Wilson presents a portrait that re-examines his political career and argues that he has been misunderstood. J.A. Thompson offers an integrated interpretation of Wilson's academic career as a political scientist and university president, his style as a domestic politician and his conduct of foreign policy - topics that have generally been treated separately and very differently. The author shows that, from an early age, Wilson's chief interest was in the nature of political leadership in a democracy, and describes the great success he enjoyed when he had an opportunity to practice this role himself. Although his ultimate failure to persuade the Senate to accept the League of Nations has left a misleading impression that Wilson was an unrealistic visionary, it took great political skill to lead a largely united country into its first major attempt to shape the world beyond the Western Hemisphere. This is an alternative, more rounded and ultimately more positive portrait of this major President, showing that he was a very able and pragmatic politician. The latest work in the best-selling Profiles in Power series.
J. A. Thompson is Fellow of St Catharine's College, Cambridge
Customer Reviews:
concise and insightful.......2007-07-20
This biography is focused exclusively on Wilson's political life. Within those constraints, while being short and concise, it is very analytical and insightful. The author analyses why Wilson did what he did. While sharing with us some notable opinions on these subjects, he always offers his own objective and analytical views as well. Excellent book - I learned something from almost every page.
Concise Clear Biography of President Wilson.......2007-01-12
An excellent short but complete biography of Woodrow Wilson, a thoughtful peace loving man born into a pious and academic household. He was born in 1856 and lived in Staunton, Virginia, a Southern Border state. He grew up in a time that he saw the ravages caused by the Civil War. His quest for peace and reform was always intense - no more wars. He tried studying law, but did not like the and quiet thoughtful man made him a natural for Princeton although he brought many interesting new ideas for educational reform. He became President of Princeton University from 1902 -1910. Leaving Princeton, he was also thought of as a reformer when he became governor of the state of New Jersey from 1911-1913, His race for President was both smart and surprising (Taft and Roosevelt split the ticket). Wilson ran a good race, but was behind - he had a lots of luck and political maneuvering to get the nomination. That was interesting, as well as when he became president - how the federal reserve system was developed - his greatest achievement. The book's description of his presidency (1913-1921) and his poor cardiovascular health gives a clear picture of how he presided over the country - by sheer will. He knew he was very ill, but "paced" his meetings, avoided many by prioritizing, and would not talk business at home. World War 1 was beyond his control and his wish for isolationist policy failed because of the global political winds. The League of Nations and 14 Points take on an interesting angle when compared with the United Nations today.
Another interesting part of his life is when his first wife dies while he is in office - he goes on through his deep depression. He courts and marries his second wife while still in office. She and his doctor cover up how ill he is. When he has his most debilitating stroke, his second wife actually becomes the "first woman president" - although the country did not know she was running the country. Can one imagine a President getting away with that in today's media and talk show programs? He was not functioning as President - she took over, making the decision to do so as well as decisions written on papers passed through his office. Basically she was President of the U.S. for the last 17 months he was in office.
Limited.......2006-12-06
This is not a full biog of WW. Its a look at his way of using power, mainly at Princeton and as Pres of the US. That leaves out quite a bit! There is very little in the book on how WW dealt with Congress, even during WWI (though more on this subject is here regarding the League of Nations.) There is VERY little about domestic concerns during WW's presidency, esp. with regard to race. Thompson is not only a bit too sympathetic toward his subject, but far too deferential to William Link's previous assessments of WW as well.
A Man Ahead of His Time.......2005-02-09
Few figures in American history have as polarizing effect on people as Thomas Woodrow Wilson. While he accomplished a great deal during his term, his legacy is haunted by a glaring failure. John A. Thompson takes a concise, yet surprisingly thorough look at the political career of the 28th President of the United States in the Profiles in Power Series.
Woodrow Wilson seemed to be an unlikely candidate to one day become president. As the son of a presbyterian minister, he often placed his faith ahead to political feasibility. After serving as the president of Princeton, his progressive ideals led to his election as governor of New Jersey. His popularity led to his nomination as the democratic candidate for president in a year when the republican electorate was split between Theodore Roosevelt and William H. Taft.
Among his accomplishments as president were the Child Labor Act, the Federal Reserve Act, and the Federal Trade Commission Act. Wilson is also commended for his role as a leader during World War I. While various factions including former President Teddy Roosevelt called for American involvement in the war, Wilson exhausted every possible means for peaceful resolution. Supporting by George Washington's farewell address statement to avoid European entanglements, Wilson pressed forward in negotiations. Only when Germany refused to discontinue attacks on merchant ships was Wilson's hand forced into war.
After the allied victory, Wilson became a key figure in establishing the peace in Europe. Wilson was the first president to travel to Europe during his term in office. It was during his work in Europe that he attempted to implement the League of Nations. Wilson was humbled in the eyes of the Europeans that exhaulted him when the U.S. senate refused to ratify American membership. In a show of partisanism that was uncharacteristic in its time, republican senators refused to accept the League of Nations as it was.
Wilson is one of the key figures in American history, whose only major failure was a project so ambitious that many considered it utopian. His interests were not political but universal and international ideals. World War II was among the problems foresaw and could have prevented. I was certainly enlighted as to the facts of the Wilson administration through this book. While there are certain omission such as much of Wilson's youth, the book is recommended to those seeking to expand their knowledge of Woodrow Wilson.
A masterful achievement !.......2002-07-29
John A. Thompson, author of the Reformers and War: American Progressives Publicists and the First World War (1987)and a leading authority on the Progessive Era and First World War, has written a superb and compact biography of Woodrow Wilson, the best one-volume biography of Wilson that we have. Thompson's insightful account focuses on Wilson's leadership style and assesses both its strengths and weaknesses. As president of Princeton, governor of New Jersey, and president of the United States, Wilson exhibited both firmness and flexibility, and idealism and a practicality. Examining the abilities and the limits of political leadership in American democracy, Thompson carefully weighs the degree to which Wilson's successes and failures were a result of his own actions and a consequence of other factors beyond his control. This is a masterful achievement.
Book Description
The New York Times hailed John B. Judis's The Emerging Democratic Majority as "indispensable." Now this brilliant political writer compares the failure of American imperialism a century ago with the potential failure of the current administration's imperialistic policies.
One hundred years ago, Theodore Roosevelt believed that the only way the United States could achieve peace, prosperity, and national greatness was by joining Europe in a struggle to add colonies. But Roosevelt became disillusioned with this imperialist strategy after a long war in the Philippines. Woodrow Wilson, shocked by nationalist backlash to American intervention in Mexico and by the outbreak of World War I, began to see imperialism not as an instrument of peace and democracy, but of war and tyranny. Wilson advocated that the United States lead the nations of the world in eliminating colonialism and by creating a "community of power" to replace the unstable "balance of power." Wilson's efforts were frustrated, but decades later they led to the creation of the United Nations, NATO, the IMF, and the World Bank. The prosperity and relative peace in the United States of the past fifty years confirmed the wisdom of Wilson's approach.
Despite the proven success of Wilson's strategy, George W. Bush has repudiated it. He has revived the narrow nationalism of the Republicans who rejected the League of Nations in the 1920s. And at the urging of his neoconservative supporters, he has revived the old, discredited imperialist strategy of attempting to unilaterally overthrow regimes deemed unfriendly by his administration. Bush rejects the role of international institutions and agreements in curbing terrorists, slowing global pollution, and containing potential threats. In The Folly of Empire, John B. Judis convincingly pits Wilson's arguments against those of George W. Bush and the neoconservatives.
Judis draws sharp contrasts between the Bush administration's policies, especially with regard to Iraq, and those of every administration from Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman through George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton. The result is a concise, thought-provoking look at America's position in the world -- then and now -- and how it has been formed, that will spark debate and controversy in Washington and beyond. The Folly of Empire raises crucial questions about why the Bush administration has embarked on a foreign policy that has been proven unsuccessful and presents damning evidence that its failure is already imminent. The final message is a sobering one: Leaders ignore history's lessons at their peril.
Customer Reviews:
From Roosevelt's Lips to Bush's Ears...........2007-08-04
"The Folly of Empire" opens with President George W. Bush visiting Manila, in October 2003, and praising America's role in making the Philippines a democratic nation. Meanwhile he was being shepherded around with heavy security (including F-15's) and counseled not to stay there overnight. If only he knew the true history of US actions in the Philippines....and how that correlated with the current actions in Iraq....
The United States (and, before 1776, the 13 Colonies) has held to a theory of having a "special" place in the world. Over the years, this "mission" has varied from being a "New Israel" on earth to "making the world safe for democracy". (A chart displaying these various missions, as well as adversaries ranging from "the Papal Antichrist" to global terrorism, is displayed on Page 17). These missions have motivated both the westward expansion of the United States and its overseas actions.
Up to around 1876, the United States, taking the advice of Washington, Adams and Jefferson, avoided "entangling alliances" with other nations and concentrated on its own westward expansion. This changed with the election of President William McKinley. At that time several quarters of American society (business interests, intellectuals, the press and others) advocated more involvement in the world, and, eventually, war with Spain.
The Spanish American War lasted only three months and was won handily by the US. However, holding on to some of the former Spanish possessions proved to be more than a little problematic. In the Philippines, there was already an independence movement fighting against the Spanish; once the Americans took over, they became the new target of the movement. Fighting in the Philippines dragged on for decades. The US occupation of Cuba was a disaster too; it was run by a succession of US puppet governments until Fidel Castro took over in 1956.
The book goes on to describe Theodore Roosevelt as warlike, subsuming religion ("muscular Christianity"), Social Darwinism pro Anglo-Saxonism into a rationale for military action. (He did soften or back down from some of these ideas later in life).
Woodrow Wilson, on the other hand, after a couple of disastrous attempts to "impose democracy" in Mexico and the Dominican Republic, was more in favor of encouraging cooperation between nations to bring democracy to the world.
After World War I, the US went through its isolationist period. Franklin Delano Roosevelt (a nephew of Theodore, above) tried to make a moral case for US involvement in what would eventually be known as World War II. FDR also dusted off Wilson's "League of Nations" plan and formed the United Nations.
Meanwhile, the Soviet Union was getting stronger. Initially an ally of the US, postwar American military superiority (including the atomic bomb) drove the Soviets to build up their own military forces and sphere of influence (e.g. the "Iron Curtain" countries in Eastern Europe). This escalated into the well known Cold War, which lasted until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.
In the years after World War II, many of the former European colonies became independent countries. But Cold War politics led many of these countries to align with either the West or with the Soviet Union. The book describes US involvement in Vietnam after the French were defeated in 1954; the US, fearing the (now discredited) "domino effect" of a communist North Vietnam, occupied the South and installed a succession of unpopular dictators until 1975 when the North Vietnamese took over.
The story of the Middle East, at least from 1798, is one long British, French (and later, US) colonial occupation. During the Cold War, US involvement in the region was justified by wanting to minimize Soviet influence there. (Of course, all that oil didn't hurt!). Western interference and pro-Israel support in the Middle East is credited with sowing the seeds of radical Islam and terrorism.
Ronald Reagan is presented as a Cold Warrior, influenced by a strong religious streak. His foreign policy (particularly Central America) was colored, at least initially, by his characterization of the Soviet Union as an "evil empire". The book credits the Iran-Contra affair and its aftermath, with Reagan softening his views toward the Soviet Union.
With the fall of the Soviet Union, The United States became the world's only superpower. During this time, George H. W. Bush, and, later Bill Clinton, concentrated more on international cooperation, both in the economic sphere (removal of trade barriers, NAFTA, World Trade Organization) as well as militarily (Gulf War, NATO expansion into Eastern Europe, the Balkans, etc.). But meanwhile, Osama Bin Ladin's Al-Qaeda was starting to take presence...first in the Balkans....then the first World Trade Center bombing in 1993....then the African embassy bombings in 1998....then the USS Cole in late 2000....). Clinton more or less concentrated on trying to develop an Israeli-Palestinian peace treaty as a way to diminish Arab support for Al-Qaeda, but was unsuccessful.
And now we come to George W. Bush. He outright rejected the doctrine of international cooperation (as witnessed by his attitude toward the Kyoto Protocol, the World Trade Organization and similar international treaties and organizations). After the September 11 attacks (which, according to the book, took Bush by surprise), he made the case, and got international support, to attack Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. The Taliban was driven from power in a matter of weeks, with much the same effect on American military attitudes as the US victory over the Spanish in 1898. Buoyed by this success, certain figures (Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Cheney, and others) called for a war in Iraq to oust Saddam. Their reasons included "keeping Saddam from getting nuclear weapons", "building a democracy in Iraq" and of course oil.
So in March 2003 the US invaded Iraq, with little international support other than from the UK. And the rest of the story is in your local news media. Besides the obvious loss of blood and treasure, the Iraq War has hurt the position of the US as world leader in ways that may never be fully known for decades.
At the end of the day, this is a pro-internationalist (Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, Bush I, Clinton), anti-imperialist/unilateralist (McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, to some extent Reagan, but definitely Bush II) book.
On reading it, one gets the feeling that the United States alone is culpable for all the bad foreign policy decisions that reverberate to this very day. The author is also a bit "soft" on the old Soviet Union (they weren't imperialistic in the Middle East? What about Afghanistan?) and tends to downplay Reagan's involvement (and upsell Gorbachev's) in ending the Cold War). The book is also silent on the Korean War, as well as Presidents Kennedy's and Johnson's involvement and attitudes toward the Vietnam War.
Quasi Intellectual Liberal Historical Rhetoric.......2004-12-03
I read this "book" a few days ago and was appalled at anti Bush rhetoric spewed throughout it. I understand the author's desire to compared our annexation of Cuba and the Phillipines with the recent occupation of Iraq (cuz you know those Spanish terrorists were so awful) but it doesn't hold weight, for reasons I don't want to go into.
Judis practically kisses the ... rear of former President Clinton! All I saw of him was praise and compliments. The book didn't compliment Bush at all. Clinton's joke of a foreign policy, which helped make us vulnerable to terrorism, is infallible in the liberally-chromed-colored glasses of the author.
Until now, I've never stopped reading a book in utter disgust.
Remember Your History.......2004-11-29
I firmly believe that history can teach us virtually everything we need to know about our modern world. We have thousands of years of civilization behind us as humans, and a few hundred years behind us as Americans. We have the extreme benefit of learning from the mistakes of our fore-fathers and hopefully the wisdom to not repeat them. Unfortunately, it seems that we as a people are often forgetful or simply unlearned about the parallels between our world and the past. In his book, "The Folly of Empire," John B. Judis makes the case that the current Bush administration has been unwilling or unable to draw parallels between their present actions and the post-Imperialistic actions of previous generations.
Judis claims that the current Bush administration is leaping head-long into a new version of 19 th and 20 th century imperialism in modern Iraq. Bush, he states, is heading down the same failed road as some of his American predecessors have already tread. To illustrate this, Judis lays out two major examples of failed US imperialism: Theodore Roosevelt's attempts to annex the Philippines, Hawaii, Cuba and Puerto Rico, and Woodrow Wilson's attempt to overthrow the Mexican dictator, Huerta. In a nutshell, both presidents had what seemed to be honest intentions in their attempts to secure democracy around the world. However, their aims were short-sighted in the sense that they caused more backlash and ultimately failure.
Overall, Judis's book creates a strong parallel between our seemingly forgotten past as a country, and the current administration. The neo-conservatives love their Roosevelt in all his muscular imperialism, but forget his failures. They remember the failed efforts of Wilson to create a multilateral world but forget his lessoned learned as an attempted "liberator." Later generations would again forget these lessons in Vietnam where the fate of the world lay in the balance of US intervention. They would confuse the communist domino effect with Vietnamese nationalism. And they would again forget it in Iraq. Judis's points are well taken; the promotion of democracy and the ousting of dictators may be necessary from time to time, but the motivations must be reassessed and compared to the lessons of history. If we selectively cut off our history, then we cut off a wealth of knowledge on how to govern our country in the modern era.
Balanced Review of Lessons from Roosevet and Wilson.......2004-11-13
This is a balanced book, well-grounded in history, with an objective air and a very pleasing integration of specific quotes from both the past and the present. It strips away the false airs of the neo-cons, and with trenchant scholarship shows how deeply ignorant America's neo-conservatives and their leading light are of the lessons of history.
The early portion of the book provides an excellent overview, concise, documented, easy to absorb, of the origins of American imperialism in the early century of Christian millennialism followed by civil millennialism. The chart on page 17 is useful, covering the seven period of various styles of American imperialism or avoidance thereof.
The book documents the explicit rejection by the Founding Fathers of empires based on conquest and distance rule, and of foreign political entanglements.
I especially liked a 1780 quote from Reverend Samuel Cooper that captures my own personal belief in how America should relate to the world: "Conquest is not indeed the aim of these rising states; sound policy must ever forbid it. We have before us an object more truly great and honorable. We seem called by heaven to make a large portion of this globe a seat of knowledge and liberty, of agriculture, commerce, and arts, and what is more important than all, of Christian piety and virtue."
I find it relevant that Mark Twain, among many others in our history, was a staunch opponent of American imperialism.
The middle portion of the book provides a non-judgmental review of how America was lured into imperialism for largely economic reasons, including a fear of losing access to China as well as coaling stations for a global navy.
At the same time, there is a recurring theme throughout the book of the arrogance and ignorance of white Protestants, who believed-as the Spanish did when they began the genocide in the Americas-that the heathen are savages that must be either absorbed or exterminated.
Especially interesting to me is the concept discussed in the book regarding the early American view that all land not under direct human cultivation was "waste land" whose occupants merited removal as a precondition to "civilized" stewardship [exploitation] of the land.
Theodore Roosevelt is discussed in both negative and positive terms-I have the note in the margin here of Roosevelt as the originator of what can easily be called "macho shit racism"-yet Roosevelt also matured, and ultimately set the stage for a discussion of the League of Nations concept.
Woodrow Wilson is the other historical figure in the center of the book, and his ideal of a collective multinational "conscience of the world" receives a good review. Critical within this section is Wilson early understanding that the "balance of power" model for nations was an inherent unstable model. To this I would add a pointer to my review of Philip Allot, "HEALTH OF NATIONS: Society and Law Beyond the State" where he documents the absurdity of allowing any crime against humanity to occur within any political boundary as part of the acceptance of sovereign borders.
Other specifics include a discussion of morality as an international force, of the importance of trust in mediators who avoid entanglements, of the CIA's early days sponsoring socialist alternatives to communism that now dominate Europe, and of the US failure to respect the North Vietnamese when they first declared independence and publicly stated their respect for the early American model of governance.
The final portion of the book is a review of modern history. Clinton comes across as disengaged, out-sourcing foreign policy to a very ineffective team, while Bush comes across as provincial and ignorant. In both cases the author notes that underlying conditions have changed, with various bits suggesting to me that there are three major things than have changed: capitalism has become immoral rather than innovative; democracy has become apathetic rather than engaged, and dictators have become the norm as US partners, rather than loathed.
The author links Ahmed Chalibi the thief and Iranian double-agent, with Bernard Lewis the historian fool, in a very compelling manner-both contributed to the debacle of Iraq by deceiving first the neo-conservatives, and then the American people.
The book concludes with some thoughtful assertions on the perils of empire, the legitimate historical and current grievances of the Muslims at large, and the urgency of returning to an American foreign policy that relies on collective security, a collective conscience, and a restoration of America's commitment to the rights of individuals to self-determination.
Imperial amnesia.......2004-11-11
This sounding against American Empire shows the remarkable, and unsettling, resemblance of the current Bush escapade to the first brush with empire in the period of McKinley onward. The Cuban venture, of Rough Rider fame, and especially,the Philippine quagmire show the same sequence of intoxicating military escape followed by quicksand colonial ambitions. Many are accused of forgetting history. Bush couldn't have forgotten anything--he doesn't read history.
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- Woodrow Wilson
- Interesting
- Excellent research, sympathetic treatment
- a classic tragedy
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When the Cheering Stopped: The Last Years of Woodrow Wilson
Gene Smith
Manufacturer: William Morrow & Co
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Woodrow Wilson.......2005-08-18
This is a history of Woodrow Wilson's last years, especially after the stroke he suffered in Pueblo, Colorado, left him an invalid. How much did Mrs. Wilson run the country? Smith believes quite a bit, though that belief has been disputed by others. Smith also contends that Wilson's failure to secure a yes vote from Congress to join the League of Nations is what finally did him in; most would agree with her on this. Wilson fought a bitter battle that became nasty and personal trying to get the US to join the League - and it was soon consuming just about all his time and efforts. Smith is an admirable writer, and she relates this story smoothly and with confidence.
Interesting.......2002-03-06
The strange thing about reading history books written before one was born (in this case 1964) is that that biases are all different. This book laments the collapse of the League of Nations and Woodrow Wilson. Ten years later, no one would dare write about American intervention in the world stage in quite so laudatory tones. Issues that bother modern historians such as the unconstitutional incarceration of Eugene Debs, race riots, Wilson's racism including anti-German hysteria, the Imperialism of the other League Nations as well as the anti-sedition laws get swept under the rug.
Despite the bias, this is an amazingly personal look at a man who tried to sell a great plan to the United States only to be disappointed by Congress and the American people. It discusses his illness, his lack of willingness to compromise, his ineffectiveness as a leader. It also goes into great details about his wife's role in keeping the administration afloat, although it portrays her as a vindictive shrew. There's some interesting information about his daughters (true to WASP fasion, one of his daughters tried on several strange religions before taking off to India and dying of dysentry in the 40s).
While some of the material is lacking (see first paragraph) and while the enemies of America's involvement in the League are portrayed in a rather sinister fashion, this is still an excellent read and introduction to the post-WWI history.
Excellent research, sympathetic treatment.......1999-08-20
I picked this book up for $1, and would recommend it at thirty times that amount to anyone who loves history or biography. I was vaguely aware of Wilson's life and work, but after reading this book I feel as if I knew the man personally. Well-done, mostly fair, very human -- I cried more than once.
a classic tragedy.......1999-02-24
this is a facinating period of history and the story of a man who was very disillusioned at the end of his life. Due to the stroke wilson did not understand what was actually happening to him. it is hard not to weep for him and not to feel admiration for his widow. a very personal piece of world history that was not explained in my college studies. i knew about his stroke and the bitterness he felt, but this book helped me to experience how it felt.
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Ellen Axson Wilson (Supplementary volumes to The papers of Woodrow Wilson)
Frances W. Saunders
Manufacturer: University of North Carolina Press
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Woodrow Wilson: Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President
Mario DiNunzio
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Woodrow Wilson
ASIN: 0814719848
Release Date: 2006-05-01 |
Book Description
View the
Table of Contents. Read the
Preface.
”DiNunio has done a spectacular job of revealing the intelligence and humanity of a man often clouded by legend.”
—Choice: Highly recommended.
"DiNunzio has weighted his selections toward Wilson's prepresidential career, making much of the book unique."
—Library Journal
"DiNunzio suggests that Woodrow Wilson was the first and only scholar-president. Wilson remade Princeton University as a first-rate bastion of liberal-arts learning as its first layman president before serving as New Jersey governor and later ushering the nation through the Progressive Era and into World War I."
—Timeoff
From the Ivy League to the oval office, Woodrow Wilson was the only professional scholar to become a U.S. president. A professor of history and political science, Wilson became the dynamic president of Princeton University in 1902 and was one of its most prolific scholars before entering active politics. Through his labors as student, scholar, and statesman, he left a legacy of elegant writings on everything from educational reform to religion to history and politics.
Woodrow Wilson: Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President collects Wilson's most influential work, from early essays on religion to his famous “Fourteen Points” speech, which introduced the idea of the League of Nations. Among the last of the presidents to write his own speeches, Wilson left behind works which offer impressive insights into his mind and his age.
Deeply religious, Wilson looked to his faith to guide his life and wrote candidly about the connection. A passionate advocate of liberal learning, he broadcast his ideas on educational reform with missionary intensity. In politics he moved from a traditional nineteenth-century conservative view of government to a progressive, international vision which transformed American politics in the new century. His writings allow us to trace the intellectual struggle that took the nation from a position of neutrality in World War I to its role as a central player on the world stage.
Penetrating and eloquent, the works gathered here represent the best and the most important of Wilson's writings that retain enduring interest. A rich repository of ideas on the American people and America's purpose in the world, these works reveal the thoughts of one of the most acute analysts and actors in the drama of American politics.
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Woodrow Wilson and the People
H. C. F. Bell
Manufacturer: Kessinger Publishing, LLC
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ASIN: 1419171704 |
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