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These are indeed cynical times. But to hide behind the smugness of cynicism is a kind of self-imposed death sentence, explains writer and social commentator Paul Loeb. In fact, now is the ideal time for gathering all our strengths and wisdom as spiritual beings and applying ourselves to shaping a better world, he claims.
Are we talking social activism here? Well, yes. But before you cringe from images of shrill, humorless, burned out activists, keep in mind that Loeb is talking about a new kind of activism--an exciting, spiritual model for creating social change. We don't have to be pious or martyred saints (as he explains throughout one chapter), starving ourselves in the name of a cause or staging protests in freezing rain. We can be "good enough" activists, assuming the task of helping 10 people in need rather than taking on the globe. We can remember the power of storytelling when convincing an audience, rather than angrily spewing scary facts. We can replenish ourselves so that we do not burn out. We can emphasize themes such as community and forgiveness rather than separatism and blame.
This is a deeply spiritual book, but make no mistake: Loeb's writing, research, and integrity are as solid as they come. Soul of a Citizen may well become The Handbook for activism at the turn of the century. --Gail Hudson
Book Description
Soul of a Citizen awakens within us the desire and the ability to make our voices heard and our actions count. We can lead lives worthy of our convictions.A book of inspiration and integrity, Soul of a Citizen is an antidote to the twin scourges of modern life-powerlessness and cynicism. In his evocative style. Paul Loeb tells moving tells moving stories of ordinary Americans who have found unexpected fulfillment in social involvement. Through their example and Loeb's own wise and powerful lessons, we are compelled to move from passivity to participation. The reward of our action, we learn, is nothing less than a sense of connection and purpose not found in a purely personal life.
Customer Reviews:
A non-academic book for the baby boomer generation.......2007-03-29
As many other reviewers I was asked to read this book as a part of a college course. My wife was recently assigned the reading in her MSW program. I do believe it has some value, but to a specific generation and type of activist. The book rarely (if at all) discusses a model of activism outside of that born from the peace and love movement of the 60-70s. If you are from these eras, by all means this is the book for you. If you are or will soon be a college student you will likely find little to connect with in the book. I suspect that its over use in courses at this time is a result of faculty promoting a book they feel applies to them greatly without thinking of how it applies to younger generations.
duh!.......2006-12-05
I read this book for a college class on Social Work, and although Loeb tells many meaningful and powerful stories, this is the same text I have heard before. If you read the first and last paragraph of each chapter you basically get the point. It's an easy read, and some may find it powerful, but I just found it repetitive and over-told.
A must read if you believe in service to others.......2006-10-21
Paul is an outstanding voice in our world. Fantastic book helping bring hope to a difficult time for those of us who aspire to service. It is a challenge to keep engaged in service and Paul does provide hope. I also appreciate his newsletter and recommend it to those who appreciate his work. Great insights.
Every citizen must read.......2006-08-11
I read Soul of a citizen which inspired me to action. I am now a volunteer activist in my neighbourhood and have formed a group of concerned citizens to negotiate and participate in our city's development plan. We have made an impact in the corporation and even had a few small successes along the way.
tired of it.......2006-07-09
Must we indulge yet another collection of tripe in the guise of self-help? Didn't we get this sort of nonsense out of our systems a long time ago?
If you are the type who hangs around in the self-help section of Borders looking for something you haven't yet read, hoping the nice-looking man ordering the latte isn't as bad as your ex-husband, well, sure, pick this up. You can read it a few hours later after you've snuck that man past your sleeping children's doors and out to his car, and feel good about yourself and how wonderful a person you are for reading something like this.
For the rest of us that live with a real sense of morality, well, we know books like this are just excuses - a mechanism by which the anointed democrat leftists sanctify themselves. Now that I think about it, I'm not sure why I wrote this review. If it offended you, you're beyond help. If it rang true, you already know you don't want to get anywhere near this book.
Book Description
A former Reagan White House Counsel presents a comprehensive picture of Ronald Reagan, focusing on how his distinctive leadership style was the source of both his setbacks and his success.
An icon of the twentieth century, Ronald Reagan has earned a place among the most popular and successful U.S. presidents. In this compelling firsthand account of Reagan's presidency, Peter J. Wallison, former White House Counsel to President Reagan, argues that Reagan took office with a fully developed public philosophy and strategy for governing that was unique among modern presidents. "I am not a great man," Reagan once said, "just committed to great ideas."
Wallison shows how Reagan's unyielding attachment to certain key ideas--communicated through his speeches--created a cohesive administration and revived the spirit of the nation. In Ronald Reagan, Wallison describes what it was like to be on Reagan's White House staff and how Reagan's attachment to principle produced both the best and worst days of his presidency. Updated with a new epilogue.
Customer Reviews:
Behind the scenes of Reagan Administration........2007-04-23
This book is based on Peter Wallison's year in the White House when he served as a legal counsel.
This book shares some of Ronald Reagan's wit,humor,and humility.
Mr.Wallison offers an assessment of the media coverage regarding the Reagan administration. The media had a tendency to over-cover the sensational while ignoring subjects of substance,like policy(foreign or domestic).They trolled for scandals.
This book shows what management style was used by the President.
It also debuncts the myth that President Reagan was not intelligent.
Another interesting topic in this book is the behind the scenes view of situations in the cabinet. Leaks to the media and how rampant they were from the White House and especially the Hill.
There was a comparison of the Chiefs of Staff. Mr. Wallison wrote mostly about Donald Regan because he worked with him.
The chapters dedicated to the Iran-Contra scandal were very good! I came away with a better understanding of exactly what happened and who was involved.
This is the first book that I have read about President Reagan. I recommend it as a balanced book from an author who worked in the White House. I wish that he had been there longer!
A true American Conservative Leader.......2003-12-24
I love this book as it contains what it means to be a true conservative and not a false one. As the great Conservative economist F.A. Hayek once stated " . . . the whole conception of social or distributive justice is empty and meaningless; and there will therefore never exist agreement on what is just in this sense... I am certain, however, that nothing has done so much to destroy the juridical safeguards of individual freedom as the striving after this mirage of social justice."
That is in a Capitalistic Socieity there will be more losers than winners and that is just the way it is. If you can not make ends meet it is not "societys fault" but your own. Don't expect your mommy "the state" to make it right!
From here the author goes own to explain how all the scandals of the Reagan presidentcy where not the leaders fault but those of his underlings for they were to blaime not him. The buck stops there my friend!
An Excellent Read.......2003-03-08
This is an excellent "insider" perspective on Reagan's management style and the Iran-Contra scandal. Wallison debunks thoroughly the prevailing view of the liberal media that Reagan was intellectually limited, disengaged and manipulated by his advisors. Reagan's remarkable accomplishments are attributed to the clarity of and his unfailing focus on a few "big ideas" (e.g. a smaller and less intrusive government, freer trade, a strong defense, faith in the traditional American values of individualism and sense of personal responsibility) and his ability to inspire those within the administration to actively pursue his policy objectives. As legal counsel to the President, Wallison was the White House staffer most involved with Iran-Contra. He persuasively argues that the scandal was basically a foreign policy blunder made worse by a renegade NSC staff (particularly Oliver North) and a press corps more interested in scandal mongering than issues.
Book Description
What role should a citizen's religious convictions play in political activities? Christopher Eberle is deeply at odds with the dominant orthodoxy among political theorists about the relationship of religion to politics. His argument is that a citizen may responsibly base political commitments on religious beliefs, even if the only reasons for those political commitments are religious in nature. An inherently controversial book that offers a substantial challenge to political liberalism, it will be read by students of philosophy, political science, law and religious studies.
Customer Reviews:
Interesting, but often misguided.......2005-11-12
Eberle's book is in places a very interesting look at the subject of religion in liberal politics. Unfortunately, his treatment of many liberal views is misguided. For those looking for strong critiques of liberal giants such as Rawls, Eberle ultimately proves disappointing. To take Rawls as an example, Eberle seems to misunderstand some fairly basic elements of Rawls' argument. He treats Rawls' principles as principles meant to apply to government intervention into citizens' lives, something that Rawls does not at all intend. Rawls' argument is more that these principles need to be applied to the formulation of the basic structure of society, not to each action of the government(which is formed only after the principles for the basic structure are agreed on). Thus, Eberle's critiques, while seemingly powerful, are aimed at defeating arguments that Rawls never makes and are in fact contrary to what Rawls advocates.
Ultimately, Eberle does not address many of the strongest arguments that liberal thinkers have put forth.
The single best book on the subject.......2005-01-15
This is, in my judgment, the single best book on the subject of the proper role of religion in the politics of a liberal democracy. If that subject interests you, there is no better place to begin than with this book.
Taking God and rights seriously .......2004-11-20
In these times of religious ressurgence, it is time someone offers a valid and balanced alternative to the justificatory-secular-purpose-driven-liberalism that as characterized much of contemporary political and legal theory, constitutional law as well as some U.S. Supreme Court decisions.
The "robespierrist" ACLU is another example of liberal secularist fundamentalism. Eberle's book is one such alternative. ACLU's prime agenda seems to be the official establishment of the Cult of Secular Reason, based on naturalist, materialist and rationalist fideistic (hidden) assumptions.
His book proposes de ideal of consciencious engagement as opposed to traditional liberal justificatory and legitimatory arguments, thus suggesting a fairest balance between the theist's dual citizenship imperatives of taking God seriously and taking rights seriously.
This book is particularly interesting since it confronts the most popular liberal justificatory arguments of thinkers such as Larmore, Gaus, Audi, and Rawls, among others, as well other common (Bosnia-type) arguments about the divisive nature of religion. This is an indispensable piece of political theory, and more so today than ever.
Liberating Religion from Liberal Restraints.......2002-11-19
Appearing to spring from a Calvin College seminar on religion in politics organized by retired Yale Noah Porter Professor Nicholas Wolterstorff, Christopher Eberle's "Religious Conviction in Liberal Politics" takes on the major variants of the doctrine of restraint. Eberle's arguments are predicated on the notion that there are citizens who will, at least on occasion, support coercive public policy on the basis of religious reasons alone . . . and that they should not be ethically constrained from doing so.
Eberle deconstructs justificatory liberalism arguments, historical case arguments, and theistic nature-grace arguments for the doctrine of restraint. In their stead, he proposes "conscientious engagement" for citizens -- specifically, religious citizens -- but does not require this of them, ethically or otherwise.
The work is a must-read for anyone engaged in the philosophy of political discourse as it has developed following on Lemon v. Kurtzman and the articulation of the divisiveness doctrine on through Rawls's "Political Liberalism" and his interlocutors.
Customer Reviews:
Superb Story Telling of American History Emphasizing the Innerworkings and Evolution of Constitutional Law.......2006-11-13
Peter Irons exhibits his amazing skills of persuasive communication all throuout this book. For instance, he teaches us American History while at the same time making an indepth analysis of the Judicial System with Constitutional emphasis based on a number of true stories. Further, he does it with so much wit bringing those individuals' drama to life instead of what would usually be complicated Caselaw with boring facts and precedents.
Inspiring........2006-11-06
We have become an apathetic society. This book is the story of those who dared enough to care.
Individual Power and the Judicial Process.......2004-03-23
I work at a University Library and see many, many books. This book caught my eye and I found myself compelled to read it. The situation in our government seems to leave many people I talk to feeling discouraged and powerless. Iron's book reminds us that we don't have to be powerless.
I encourage High School teachers to read the book and consider assigning at least parts of it to their students. Most Americans don't understand our legal system or the power we have as individuals to stand up for our civil rights.
Peter Irons, The Courage of Their Convictions (1990).......2003-08-10
I have used this book three times in UC and CSU public law classes have taught: Intro to Judicial Process, Intro to Judicial Politics, and American Government. It is a personalized, almost biographical approach to leading constitutional rights cases, replete with the "human" as well as "legal" story behind each of the 16 cases. Though short on some of the important legal arguments at the Supreme Court level, it covers well the dispositons and judicial personalities of the lower courts. More importantly, however, it deals with the suffering and courage of the litigants themselves.
As such, it is a terrific book for both introductory American Government and judicial politics/process courses at the college level.
I have also used Irons' new book JIM CROW'S CHILDREN in my upper division course on Racial Equality and the U.S. Supreme Court at U.C., Irvine, just this summer.
The Courage of Their Convictions: Sixteen Americans.......2003-06-15
This was a fantastic book! People may know about some Supreme Court decisions and its impact but I do not think people understand why such important cases were brought before the Supreme Court. We never learn in school who these people were, (they are everyday people) and exactly how much courage and determination it takes to fight your case to the Supreme Court (after all I think S.C hears about 1% of all cases filed to the Court). Irons is an academic but boy you can read this in a day-this is not a dreaded book you are assigned to read for school.
Book Description
This vigorous debate between two distinguished philosophers presents two views on a topic of worldwide importance: the role of religion in politics. Audi argues that citizens in a free democracy should distinguish religious and secular considerations and give them separate though related roles. Wolterstorff argues that religious elements are both appropriate in politics and indispensable to the vitality of a pluralistic democracy. Each philosopher first states his position in detail, then responds to and criticizes the opposing viewpoint.
Customer Reviews:
Poor excuse for a debate.......2007-04-10
This book is supposed to be part of a series of texts that provide a point counterpoint format, parallelling something of a debate on some interesting subject. "Religion in the Public Square" is not a debate, however, but two parallel essays with reflective commentaries on each by the opposing author. Ironically, each of the essays describes largely the SAME position (that of the ideal of liberal democracy, which protects religious liberties and the neutrality of the state with respect to religion) but they have only subtle philosophical differences. For example, Wolterstorff thinks that any reasons whatever should be allowed in public discourse so long as they are persuasive to the people hearing them, and Audi thinks that the reasons given should have constituted a significant part of the basis for why the person employing those reasons accepts them himself. Hardly the basis for an interesting discussion, one might say.
Unfortunately, neither author writes their essays in an argumentative format nor do they even have the other author in mind when they write their essays. Thus, they often repeat the same concepts using different language and different terminology, which only adds to the confusion of the book.
The first author, Robert Audi, presents his arguments with little or no structure in an almost stream of conscience format. Although he ultimately has important arguments lurking about, they get lost amongst his many useless, technical distinctions that he forgets about as soon as he raises them (as if they were important distinctions for their own sake). If the book was a debate, he would be making points and repeating them without telling us why they are important in the larger context of the debate. In his commentary on Wolterstorff, he writes sentences like, "I propose that conscientious citizens have a prima facie obligation to have and be willing to offer at least one secular reason that is evidentially adequate and motivationally sufficient" (123), as if it was obvious why it was important to note that the obligation was "prima facie" or that it was clear for whom these so-called "secular reasons" should be motivational. Moreover, when Audi writes this sentence, his opponent (Wolterstorff) has already criticized the coherence of a "secular reason" as ultimately meaningless, and yet Audi insists on using it in an unqualified and ambiguous way. Such lazy language is simply unacceptable, but unavoidable in the a book of this scope. For unfamiliar readers, Audi's complete text on this subject "Religious Commitment and Secular Reason" will be indispensable for understanding his ideas.
Wolterstorff by contrast provides a more clear although less convincing argument for allowing religious language in the public square. Although his arguments are subtle, profoundly post modern, and surprisingly anti-foundationalist, much of his analysis is unfortunately over-theoretical and uninteresting from a practical standpoint. His criticisms of the "independent source" of Rawls and Locke may interest professors of jurisprudence, but not an undergraduate with a merely passing interest on the subject.
In the end, neither author more than glosses on any of the interesting subjects that should have been the focus of this debate such as abortion or school prayer (this book was written before stem cell research was an issue). The whole discussion stays at the level of vague abstractions and hypothetical political theories, never so much as touching on the real problems with religious reasoning in the public square (such as the Catholic Church's perpetuation of AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa through its condemnation of condom use in that region, or religious arguments against homosexual marriage).
Finally, it is sadly not obvious that either author is aware of any religion besides Christianity or (in passing) Judaism. Ironically, Audi, who was apparently blind to the fact that no religion besides Christianity or Judaism has been mentioned, writes of Wolterstorff's essay that it is "sensitive to a variety of religious perspectives" (121). The book gets one star for being unintentionally humorous.
Religious convictions as a basis for political action.......2000-01-08
This book is appropriate for an upper level philosophy seminar in the major, and will also be of interest to graduate students in political science and law. The debate between Audi and Wolterstorff is not really about the entire multifaceted topic of the "separation of church and state" in the United States (a lot of which concerns the scope of freedom of religious practice and strict limitations on public funding of religious causes). The debate is actually about a much more focused topic central to democratic theory: in a nation governed by a legitimate democratic process of law and policy formation through open debate and voting, what sort of considerations is it morally legitimate for citizens invoke in deciding what laws and policies to support, and appealing to others to share their views? (Thus the question is about moral norms of citizenship, not legal norms governing actual democratic processes). In Rawlsian lingo, this is a question about the content of "public reason." Audi believes citizens in a democracy ought not invoke religious beliefs, whereas Wolterstorff thinks such beliefs are on the same epistemic footing as all other considerations on which citizens must draw in making rational judgments about the common good of their society. Other authors who have contributed to this debate include Michael Perry, John Rawls, Phillip Quinn, and the authors featured in Paul Weithman's collection. The biggest drawback of all this literature, including this book, is that the interlocutors on both sides are unfamiliar with the growing body of work on the deliberative theory of democracy coming out of the republican tradition in jurisprudence and out of discourse ethics in continental philosophy. So they to not address the implications of deliberative models of democracy for the issue of appeal to religious convictions in political action.
AOID THIS BOOK IF YOU CAN!.......1999-02-23
I was forced to read this for a college course. It is harder to read than it needs to be, and the book could actually be half as long as it is. There have GOT to be better books than this one on the same subject.
Book Description
An impassioned call to arms for Democrats to embrace the principles that made the party and the country great—a true moral vision for leadership at home and abroad
In this powerful and provocative manifesto, a cri de coeur for Democrats who have grown increasingly frustrated with their party’s leaders, former senator Gary Hart takes the Democrats to task for choosing caution and calculation in place of moral principles. That path, Hart says, will lead only to sorrow—for the party and for the country.
The Courage of Our Convictions is Hart’s call to action—a clear-eyed and plainspoken manifesto that urges a return to the principles bequeathed to the party by its great twentieth-century presidents: Franklin D. Roosevelt’s commitment to a single national community, where no American would be left behind; Harry S. Truman’s internationalism, which preserved democracy after World War II and led eventually to the defeat of communism; John F. Kennedy’s ideal of civic duty and service to the nation; and Lyndon B. Johnson’s insistence on equality for all our citizens.
As the midterm elections approach—and with the 2008 presidential election just over the horizon—Hart speaks directly and passionately to the many Democrats who seek a principled change of leadership in Washington. It is the wake-up call that so many Americans have been waiting for.
Customer Reviews:
Brief Book Offers Some History and a Look Forward.......2006-12-14
The first half of this book is a study of the Democrat presidents over the past fifty years and their actions. He traces the triumphant actions of Roosevelt, Truman, and Kennedy as well as offering his critiques on the decline of Democrat power.
The second half offers suggestions as to how we can pull together as a nation and revive the party by presenting a unified front as well as win back the majority.
Democrats have already won back the majority. Now all we can do is wait and see what they will do with it. While everything in this book might not be feasible, as a couple of the other reviewers have pointed out, at least it contains ideas. Too many people are running around complaining that things have to be changed, however they have no workable plan. We need more Democrats like Hart, who have ideas and who aren't afraid to voice them.
How can anyone revive the Democrats?.......2006-11-21
This book is an invaluable resource for anyone who is interested in the problems of the Democratic Party and is now ready to begin a discussion on reviving the party.
Obviously, America is weaker without two strong political parties. Good political factions keep watch on each other, and create the ongoing debate that produces the best of democratic policies in a republican society. Hart adds immensely to the debate by his focus on Democratic failures, but his advocacy of inept policies will dismay many Americans and anger most others. His solution is to abandon old values and define a new meaning and purpose of the Democratic Party as a nattering nannie of negative nonsence.
What part of 'Don't Tread on Me' doesn't he understand?
This phrase from an early Revolutionary flag represents the heart of American attitudes. In England, a Sunday afternoon rugby match between adjoining villages can turn into a brawl by people who resent being bossed by outsiders. In the Thirteen Colonies, that resentment was of powdered Lords telling Americans what to do from thousands of miles away. The only wonder is that it took so long to rebel. "Don't Tread on Me" was the unwritten credo of the Democratic Party until the rise of the Kennedy cabal.
"If the Democrats fail to act, not only will the party suffer, but so will America, and so too will the rest of the world," Hart asserts. Hart doesn't realize "the rest of the world" did very well for thousands of years without the wise counsel of American Democrats. In fact, most American values are based on the heritage of those benighted foreigners and not on Hart's ideas.
America didn't fight fascism until attacked, and generally did not go "abroad in search of monsters to destroy" until John F. Kennedy tried to save South Vietnam. The great folly of the past 50 years is the attempt to teach the world to become good Americans. George Bush is simply the least competent at this crusading zeal, as shown in many domestic policies and everything in Iraq. Hart simply offers a kinder, gentler incompetence.
Call it "compassionate liberalism".
"Don't Tread on Me" is a basic American value. It applies to personal relations as much as to the search for international monsters or an axis of evil. The longterm trend in history is to greater personal freedom, not a brave new world of complacent conformity. Hart laments the lack of ideas from Democrats; but his great mistake is to assume the future needs more government meddling.
In other words, it is a good one-evening read, devoid of useful ideas but enough to make intelligent readers think. Unless Democrats begin to think for themselves instead of meekly reacting to Republican platitudes or Hart's embrace of the past, they'll remain an inconsequential but often irritable minority.
Hart, like Kennedy, expresses many of the finest ideals of America. Like Kennedy, some of his ideas may lead Democrats into even
deeper doo doo. Maturity won't come for Democrats until they realize Kennedy wasn't perfect in every way and every thing, and that Hart offers
ideas but not solutions. They need to recognize and debate the party's mistakes, then move on. This book is a good start, but it's a long way from a guide or an inspiration.
Any interested in building Democratic strengths must have this.......2006-11-06
The Democrats have lost the last two presidential elections and have also been the minority in Congress: while they're calling for changes, they haven't the power to lead them in. THE COURAGE OF OUR CONVICTIONS: A MANIFESTO FOR DEMOCRATS calls for the party to redefine itself, to clarify its principles and stand behind them, ridding itself of the division and controversy which have contributed to its demise. Any interested in building Democratic strengths and re-learning principles that differentiate it from Republican ideals must have this.
Diane C. Donovan
California Bookwatch
Oversimplifies.......2006-10-11
Hart says that Democrats have been too cautious on Iraq. Perhaps, but raising questions in the frenzy post-9/11 was not a good survival strategy if one was in a contestable race - eg. Max Cleland in Georgia. On the other hand, Hart's suggestion that they now say they made a mistake in originally supporting the war and now see the light seems credible.
Moving on, Hart believes that Democrats have run out of ideas for about the last 40 years. Yet, he also recognizes that some of its last major ideas have had serious repercussions - eg. championing civil rights forfeited its base in the South by alientating white males, especially those in labor unions who see their jobs threatened by minorities entering the labor market. Championing the rights of women further alienated white men who now have to also compete with women of all colors. Meanwhile, environmental and working condition regulations also upset small farmers and businesses, and the Democrats also became tarred with supporting abuse of welfare and resisting protectionism. (How Hart thinks "free trade" is benefitting America's middle class is beyond my comprehension.) Finally, Hart then goes on to criticize America's response to Rwanda, Kosovar, etc. as timid.
As for new ideas, Hart comes up short. He fails to recognize the havoc Free Trade and massive illegal immigration bring (we CANNOT absorb most of Mexico and Central America, which would enter the U.S. if they could), education is no longer the path to growth that it was - due to outsourcing and the fact that about half of college graduates end up taking jobs that do not require a college degree, Hart fails to recognize that education costs have risen far above what is helpful (per studies and comparisions with other nations), he fails to recognize that minorities in the U.S. primarily suffer from their own destructive behaviors, and that healthcare needs massive reform (about half of healthcare costs are wasted - per experts) - not just coverage for all Americans. Then there are those awful trade and government deficits!
Bottom Line: Hart's conclusion that Democrats need new ideas and to work together better is correct - however, he doesn't offer much, if anything, in the way of helpful suggestions beyond the U.S. working together with other nations (something almost everyone recognizes).
Short, Sensible, Critical, Useful.......2006-09-16
This is a short sensible book, a fast read, with some deep thoughts easily understood:
1) Democratic Party today is timid and out of ideas. It failed America by allowing lies and the suppression of dissent to lead us to an elective war in Iraq that has now cost more dead than were murdered on 9/11, and in addition given us over 65,000 amputees and permanently disabled veterans.
2) The Democratic Party has forgotten its roots in Teddy Roosevelt's sense of national unity, Trumans's sense of internationalism; and John F. Kennedy's sense of civic duty. I would add that the Democratic Party has lost its ties to labor and to religion (see my review of "The Left Hand of God.")
3) The program for the future demands that America lead the world to COLLECTIVE solutions. The author points out that in his obsession with Iraq, Bush Junior has neglected all other global matters as well as domestic security.
4) The author calls for a restoration of government as the source of safety nets for society--not necessarily a larger government, but at least a government not owned by corporations and attentive to the needs of the commonwealth and the public.
5) He concludes the book with a redefinition of security, to include livelihood, community, environment (see my review of Max Manwaring's "Environmental Security and Global Stability"), energy, and borders. To this list I would add family.
6) He stresses the importance of the rule of law, which puts him at one with Senators Warner and McCain, and at odds with the infantile boy president who would sanction torture and rendition and all sorts of imperial atrocities.
7) He notes that no single party can save America, and this may be the acme of wisdom. Now that we know that the Democratic Party is ineffective at a base on base challenge to the Republicans (Karl Rove knows how to steal close elections, having masterminded the criminal thefts of Florida in 2000 and Ohio in 2004), it is clear that only a coalition campaign, one that unites moderate Republicans like myself with fiscally responsible Democrats, and Independents, Libertarians, Reforms, Greens, and the dis-engaged, can get America on track.
Bill Bradley and Gary Hart are two of my heros. This book confirms the author's continued value and relevance to the future of the nation.
Book Description
In Globalization Challenged, George Rupp, president of the International Rescue Committee, outlines the steps necessary to engage the contemporary conflict between traditional religious belief and Western secularism.
According to Rupp, the key objective is to build a community that is inclusive without denying the validity of particular commitments. While he acknowledges the threat of "resurgent fundamentalism," Rupp also criticizes secularists who fail to recognize or acknowledge the role of religion and its ideological equivalents in influencing public policy. All views, he asserts, are subject to comparative appraisal. The challenge is to develop ways to evaluate different approaches responsibly, leading to a greater understanding of one's own convictions as well as the positions of others.
Rupp reinforces his critical and theoretical analysis with dramatic accounts of recent events in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Sudan& mdash;places where the International Rescue Committee operates. He then addresses the role of globalization in fueling instability worldwide. Inadequately regulated privatization has compromised health care, education, and social programs in many countries, whereas an inclusive community would encourage a more equitable distribution of resources.
Essays by Jagdish Bhagwati, Jeremy Waldron, and Wayne Proudfoot expand Rupp's arguments, and in a final chapter Rupp responds to the issues they raise. Essential reading for anyone who hopes to understand the roots of today's geopolitical tensions, Globalization Challenged asks that we shed our complacency, recognize the legitimate role of conviction, and take actions to shape a more just and inclusive society.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent Overview of the problems facing the World.......2006-12-18
This little book is a series of reflections on the broblems of all of us getting along in the world as the world shrinks because of communications, transport, international companies -- i.e. Globalization. It is an excellent analysis of the seemingly unending religious friction goin on in the world.
Rupp concentrates on problems that are immense: religion, refugees, education, medical care. Then in a surprising turn he asks a series of other thinkers to comment on his views. They are likewise concerned withese big issues, but have somewhat differing views on the problems and on his proposed solutions.
One very interesting point, it has appeared to me that the Christians have become more tolerant of other religions. That is to say, we don't see Methodists killing Baptists. Rupp points out that this is an American view, and Christians against whatever in other parts of the world are not difficult to find.
The downside I see in the book is that it does not look at the future enough. For instance there is no entry for any of these words in the index: AIDS, Energy, Oil, Malaria, TB.
Book Description
Many U.S. Christians were profoundly moved by the liberation struggles in Central America in the 1980s. Most learned about the situation from missionaries who had worked in the area and witnessed the repression firsthand. These missionaries, Sharon Erickson Nepstad shows, employed the institutional and cultural resources of Christianity to seize the attention of American congregations and remind them of the moral obligations of their faith. Drawing on archival data and in-depth interviews with activists in ten separate solidarity organizations around the country, Nepstad offers a rich analysis of the experiences of religious leaders and church members in the solidarity movement. She explores the moral meaning of protest and the ways in which clergy used religious rituals, martyr stories, and biblical teachings to establish a link between faith and activism. She looks at the factors that transformed missionaries into skilled leaders who were able to translate the Central American conflicts into Christian themes and a religious language familiar to U.S. congregations. She also offers insights into the unique challenges of organizing on the transnational level and shows how the solidarity movement made U.S. policy towards Central America one of the most hotly contested issues in American politics during the 1980s. Unpacking the implications of her study for the field of collective action, Nepstad stresses the importance of the individual human agents who shape, and are shaped by, the structures and cultures in which they operate. She argues that working in and through the church gave supporters of solidarity moral credibility as well as a rich source of symbolic, human, and material resources that enabled them to reach across national boarders, motivating others to act upon their deeply held moral convictions. Shedding new light on the genesis and evolution of this important activist movement, Convictions of the Soul will be of interest to students and scholars of social movements, religion, and politics.
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Perspectives on Contemporary Ethnic Conflict: Primal Violence or the Politics of Conviction?
Santosh C. Saha
Manufacturer: Lexington Books
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
 War & Peace
| Current Events
| Nonfiction
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General
| Politics
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History & Theory
| Politics
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Globalization
| Politics
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General
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Ethnic Studies
| Special Groups
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21st Century
| United States
| Americas
| History
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ASIN: 0739110853 |
Book Description
The existing traditions of inquiry into ethnic conflict can be classified into four categories: essentialism, instrumentalism, constructivism, and institutionalism. All four traditions have a distinguished lineage, but none can really account for the worldwide spread of ethnic violence. We need to move from the local to the macro or global. This book, using methodology from sociology, history, and politics, will present the complexities of ethnic conflict in terms of lingusitics, religion, territory, and tribes in various regions.
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Beliefs, Values and Policies: Conviction Politics in a Secular Age (Clarendon Paperbacks)
Duncan B. Forrester
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
General
| Theology
| Reference
| Christianity
| Religion & Spirituality
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General
| Religion & Spirituality
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General
| England
| Europe
| History
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20th Century
| England
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General
| Political Science
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ASIN: 0198267347 |
Book Description
Reexamining the basis, content, and manner of theology's contribution to contemporary society, this rigorous study argues that Christian theology is particularly significant to debates about public policy in a plural and secular age. Forrester contends that where there is no longer a consensus
about goals, or a shared public philosophy, there is then a special responsibility left to theology to present its distinctive insights into the human condition.
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