Book Description
These free-wheeling, often exhilarating dialogues—which grew out of the acclaimed Carnegie Hall Talks—are an exchange between two of the most prominent figures in contemporary culture: Daniel Barenboim, internationally renowned conductor and pianist, and Edward W. Said, eminent literary critic and impassioned commentator on the Middle East. Barenboim is an Argentinian-Israeli and Said a Palestinian-American; they are also close friends.
As they range across music, literature, and society, they open up many fields of inquiry: the importance of a sense of place; music as a defiance of silence; the legacies of artists from Mozart and Beethoven to Dickens and Adorno; Wagner’s anti-Semitism; and the need for “artistic solutions” to the predicament of the Middle East—something they both witnessed when they brought young Arab and Israeli musicians together. Erudite, intimate, thoughtful and spontaneous,
Parallels and Paradoxes is a virtuosic collaboration.
Customer Reviews:
Parallels and Paradoxes.......2007-02-07
I never received this book. Your earlier message said it was sent the middle of January but to day it was not received. Please track for me. David Fine
Mildly interesting, but we've sorta been here before.......2004-09-10
This book encompasses a series of talks between conductor Daniel Barenboims and writer Edward Said just before the turn of the millenium. It is short and an easy read, and to my mind doesn't really go anywhere bold or surprising. If you've seen intervies with Barenboim before--on 60 Minutes, for example, or on the several conductor and pianist DVDs on which he appears--you've heard him say much of this before--music is the opposite of silence and it is not the printed page but rather the notes the of the orchestra that are the composition. He also talks about such subjects as the "velocity" of music (a subject distinct from tempo) and the interrelation between music and politics. It is here in particular that he and Said go off on all sorts of tangents about the Israel-Palestine peace process (a process that has since basically collapsed), as well as the role of anti-Semitism in Germany, in Wagner's time, Hitler's time and now. Again, I've heard this before from Barenboim and Said many times--the difference between Wagner's ideals and Wagner's art and whether the two are separable, and so forth.
The most interesting chapter to me was the last, where both men made a very persuasive argument that classical music is dying or dead because of a narrowing of our cultural and intellectual life, especially in America, excluding anything universal and to limiting one's knowledge deliberately to a narrow sphere. It's virtually a proud provincialism, reinforced and encouraged by our consumerism culture that discourages critical thinking and expanding horizons, prefering sheep to minds. Wisely, neither man professes to have "the solution" but they do show how it's hard to really grasp the message of Beethoven this way, and I feel they have a strong point, one you won't find dealt with in most classical magazines or programs, as they too are an encouragement of a sort of mindless capitalism (disguised as "Art").
However, the best thing I can say about this volume is it refers often to the writings of Theodore Adorno, whose dense essays, though in some cases dated, are far far more penetrating and interesting than the rather pedestrian concepts bandied about here. At least this book is inexpensive and a quick read, so if you're curious it can't hurt to check it out. However, this volume will be taken to the second-hand shop the next time I go weeding through my stuff. For those of you who think you may be interested in this, and who don't mind thick, densely-written books, check out Adorno's "Essays on Music," also available from Amazon.
The meaning and value of music.......2004-01-25
I was very excited to read a book written by one of my favorite 20th century intellectuals and one of my favorite pianists. This is not a musicology text; it is perhaps, something more valuable than that. Edward Said, who died recently, was a pianist himself; this fact combined with his explorations into the meaning of democracy and social culture made reading this book a very interesting proposition alone. The book did not disappoint and offered many surprises both in terms of exploring what classical music can offer to contemporary culture and what music - especially Beethoven's music - means in political terms. The book is organized as a series of conversations in which Baremboim and Said discuss topics that include the apparent detachment that classical music has today from the rest of culture as opposed to the time when an understanding and admiration for it was deemed indispensable for the educated and higher classes. However, what makes the book a pleasure to read is one one level Said and Baremboim clealry love music passionatley, on the other Baremboim is an Israeli citizen, who was the first to perform in the occupied Territories with a palestinian orchestra and also sponsored a Palestinian orchestra to play inn Germany. Edward Said was an intellaetcual that argued passionatley for the Palestinian cause. Their firendship and coomon interest in music offers an undeniable sense of hope for those of us, like myself, who are troubled by the ongiong Arab-Israeli conflict that appears to worsen ebery day. That this hope should be nunaced and coloured with the music of Beethoven seems to be not only fascinating and beautiful, but a tribute to a composer who saw and used music to shake the world and argue for freedom. In so doing baremboim and Said discuss the possibility that music can serve as a model or for undertsanding between peoples and global citizenship. They are both idealists in this sense, but their vision makes beautiful sense nonetheless.
Two cultures, one uniting force.......2003-06-17
Having heard Barenboim and Said interviewed on NPR I rushed to Amazon to acquire this book. I was not disppointed! These are highly literate men, wise men, who see music in a social context. Although their roots are Israeli and Palestinian, their exposure to other cultures has broadened their perspectives so that their opinions are informed by their experiences in Egypt, Argentina, America, Germany, Israel, etc. The continuing theme is music, especially that of Beethoven and later Wagner, but in the context of their societies and ours. It may be that the hope forpeace in the world is shared music!
A Book So Full.......2002-12-17
If there is a book that presents valuable and valid lessons in how to resolve differences, be they in attitudes towards the arts, the lack of music in our educational system, the etiology of the Israeli/Palestinian dichotomy, and so much more, then this collection of conversations between Daniel Barenboim and Edward W. Said as edited and synthesized by Ara Guzelimian is it. This powerful but too brief book reaches for the Nobel Peace Prize in its courage, exploration of the state of man and the possibilities for the future, and in its tremendously accessible format that makes the workings of these three great minds available for us all. Each of the extended conversations taped betaween 1995 and 1999 addresses an interesting topic that serves to open vistas that go far beyond the crux of the topic. Hearing Barenboim expound on the fact that no one can exactly interpret a composer's score because the spirit is not on the page but in the making and experiencing the 'sound' that happens in a live performance rather obliterates all critics who descry individual interpretation of the great composers as "not the composer's intention!" Said carries this into the realm of literature, suggesting that contemporary writers are where they are because of the giants of the past and that we, as readers, are influenced in our interpretation of new work dependent upon our exposure and digestion of works by the old masters. Contemporary music by composers such as Carter, Schoenberg, and Birtwistle are discussed in a way that assists our concept of listening and learning in the concert hall. Similar parallels and similar paradoxes in the international political arena are given the same level of inspiring dialog and paths to understanding. This is a fine, fine book and we are indebted to Ara Guzelimian not only for his written and conversational contributions, but for persevering in having this volume published. Read this and gain insight and intelligence on many streams of thought that will help us all save this planet.
Amazon.com
Edward Said makes one of the strongest cases ever for the aphorism, "the pen is mightier than the sword." This is a brilliant work of literary criticism that essentially becomes political science. Culture and Imperialism demonstrates that Western imperialism's most effective tools for dominating other cultures have been literary in nature as much as political and economic. He traces the themes of 19th- and 20th-century Western fiction and contemporary mass media as weapons of conquest and also brilliantly analyzes the rise of oppositional indigenous voices in the literatures of the "colonies." Said would argue that it's no mere coincidence that it was a Victorian Englishman, Edward G. Bulwer-Lytton, who coined the phrase "the pen is mightier . . ." Very highly recommended for anyone who wants to understand how cultures are dominated by words, as well as how cultures can be liberated by resuscitating old voices or creating new voices for new times.
Customer Reviews:
Inflame's, Enlighten's and is Highly Controversial.......2005-11-13
Prof Terry Tucker, Senior Doctrine Developer Saudi Arabian NG Modernization Program;
This book is heavy, scholarly and controversial. The author explores culture, nationalism and imperialism through the prism of literature. You will need to be very open minded when you read this and in some cases you will find yourself both enlightened and yet disgusted. Set this aside and think about what the author conveys from the position of an "Arab_American".
As an American working in the Middle East I have found this book extremely helpful. This book will not be an easy weekend read. You will need to plan on taking some time to think about this book and digest what the author presents. If your highly patriotic or nationalistic in your inclination, you will definately need to set aside some extra time to get over the emotional impact that this book may have on you
A book intended to deflect attention from Arab racism.......2005-05-02
This book is essentially about how culture is used to promote the interest of stronger, imperial powers. Said condemns intellectuals in the West who in his eyes are "agents of exploitation". Yet Said himself is an agent of racism.
A Pan Arabist, he always supported Arab unity and "Islam" at the expense of non-Arab and non-Moslem peoples. Said directs and manipulates the Western taste for self criticim, and all that does is deflect the world's attention from Arab and Moslem attrocities committed against Christians, Kurds, Jews, Israelis, Coptic Christians, non-Arab Sudanese, etc.
Thus, reading Said, you would never realize that Sadam Hussein's poisoning of the Kurds has never been condemned by one Arab intellectual or leader. This is because a racist prevalent attitude in the Arab mind is that the entire Middle East should be Arab. This also explains the attitude towards Israel, a country that is predominantly non-Moslem and speaks a Middle Eastern language other than Arabic.
The pity is that Said himself is a Christian, yet he never spoke on behalf of Coptic Christians in Egypt, or the right of Christians to practice their faith in Saudi Arabia and probably other places in the Arab World. He is facilitating the overall aim of PanArab Nationalists by distracting the West from what is happening in the Arab world.
For a better understanding of relations between the West and Islam, I recommend books by Bernard Lewis, such as "The Moslem Discovery of Europe" and the "Jews of Islam". I also recommend books by the Egyptian scholar and Jewish refugee Yael Bat Yeor, such as "The Dhimmi".
Promote Mutual Understanding Through Text .......2004-09-13
This book is highly recommended to understand the fact that imperalism goes beyond the political and economic domination. Imperialism stayed in the most subtle way, in the culture. Said clearly described that the reaction toward imperialism is mutual: from the Western side, the prejudice and biased and the supremacy-feeling, which unfortunately still existed today; and from the "other side", also prejudice and to the extreme side, anti-Western.
Readers who knows Said's background well will understand that Edward Said had a long commitment in building understanding between the "West" and the other,and contrast to some of the reviewers' accuses that "he forgive terrorism". Not at all. Said opposed terrorism. He was very much concern about the idea of " to valued mutuale experience in order to understand the imperialism in a whole", and I think that is the main idea of the book.
A fine reference.......2004-05-30
Edward W.Said's Culture and Imperialism explores seemingly difficult areas of postcolonial discourse with consummate ease, carefully and clearly definining terms and writing an utterly convincing piece. As with all of his texts, Culture and Imperialism's main strength is in the conviction of the writer as he puts forward his claims. An invaluable tool for those approaching Postcolonialism, Culture and Imperialism is quite possibly the most illuminating piece of writing I have considered. A fine text, and one of immeasurable usefulness.
Universally true, but only applied selectively.......2003-12-06
It is hard to evaluate this book.
Said has done a magnificent job of cateloguing the various ways that European authors, principally British and French, have acquiesced in, reinforced or justified imperialism.
The trouble is that this is almost universally true of most literature for most times and places for most of human history.
Historically, literature has been the product of a literate class, with both the education and leisure to write.
These have almost always occured at the hearts of power structures or nexus, such as kingdoms or empires, commanding both the resources, human and material, and the traditions and information out of which literature has usually, if not always, been composed (Said himself addresses the traditional origins of literature, quoting Elliot).
Homer wrote at the heart of a Hellenic colonial community; the Hebrew bible was composed of court records and redacted in the imperial Babylon that permitted the Jewish exiles to restore their state; the New Testament was composed or redacted, chiefly in Alexandria and Rome and, along with most Patristic literature assumes the right of Rome to rule and often censures the Jews for their rebelliousness; the Quran is the pamphlet for Jihad, the conquest of unbelievers by believers or Arab Islamic imperialism, itself modelled on the Israelite conquest of Canaan.
Said undermines his otherwise excellent thesis by making s qualitative distinction between modern European Christian and postChristian empires, and those that preceded them, by they Arab or Turkish Islamic, classical pagan or Christian.
I think this a little problematical.
Surely the difference between modern and ancient imperialism is one of degree, not kind?
Surely the urge to acquire land and resources, human and material, by force is, in at least some sense, common to all?
Historically, the literature produced in all these structures, has reflected their imperial situation.
Human nature has rarely refused the benefits that empire accrues, and this is as true for the ancient Athenian tragedians and comics as for Austen or Dickens.
The Arabian nights assumes imperial power structures (Scheherezade is a queen, for heaven's sake!).
The mercantile adventures of Sinbad the sailor assume a right to sail and trade in a wider Islamic empire: surely Dombey and Son, whom Said singles out for this assumption, are not alone in this.
Similarly, Aristotle's Politics assume and justify an inherent Hellenic right to rule the world and, as the traditional tutor of Alexander the great, Aristotle could be said to have played his part in establishing the 'legitimacy' of the Hellenistic empire (including, ultimately, the province of Syria Palaestina, the origin of Said's native 'Palestine').
Indeed, some of Aristotle's arguments later appear in Islamic literature.
Said leaves himself open to the charge of applying a universal principle in a highly selective and partisan manner.
To pursue his own agenda, Pro Palestinian Arab and culturally Islamic, he has criticised modern European literature but left the culture of, say, imperial Islam unscathed.
His work is undoubtedly worth reading as a catelogue of the many evils of modern European empires committed against subject non Europeans.
It is also, as far as I am any judge, a comprehensive survey of postimperial and postcolonial indigenous literary and historiographical responses to empire and its ravages.
Said's partisanship is understandable.
Yet, one cannot help but feel, as a work of universal merit, it is flawed and one sided.
Book Description
U.S. Orientalisms is the first extensive and politicized study of nineteenth century American discourses that helped build an idea of nationhood with control over three "Orients": the "Barbary" Orient; the Orient of Egypt; and the Orient of India. Malini Johar Schueller persuasively argues that current notions about the East can be better understood as latter-day manifestations of the earlier U.S. visions of the Orient refracted variously through millennial fervor, racial-cultural difference, and ideas of Westerly empire.
This book begins with an examination of the literature of the "Barbary" Orient generated by the U.S. Algerian conflict in the late eighteenth century in the works of such writers as Royall Tyler, Susanna Rowson, and Washington Irving. It then moves on to the Near East Orientalist literature of the nineteenth century in light of Egyptology, theories of race, and the growth of missionary fervor in writers such as John DeForest, Maria Susanna Cummins, Herman Melville, Edgar Allan Poe, and Harriet Prescott Spofford. Finally, Schueller considers the Indic Orientalism of the period in the context of Indology, British colonialism, and the push for Asian trade in the United States, focusing particularly on Emerson and Whitman. U.S. Orientalisms demonstrates how these writers strove to create an Orientalism premised on the idea of civilization and empire moving West, from Asia, through Europe, and culminating in the New World.
Schueller draws on the work of Michel Foucault, Edward Said, Homi Bhabha, Rey Chow, and Judith Butler and compellingly demonstrates how a raced, compensatory "Orientalist" discourse of empire was both contested and evoked in the literary works of a wide variety of writers. The book will be of interest to readers in American history, postcolonial studies, gender studies, and literary theory.
Malini Johar Schueller is Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Florida. She is the author of The Politics of Voice: Liberalism and Social Criticism from Franklin to Kingston.
Book Description
For at least two decades the career of Edward Said has defined what it means to be a public intellectual today. Although attacked as a terrorist and derided as a fraud for his work on behalf of his fellow Palestinians, Said’s importance extends far beyond his political activism. In this volume a distinguished group of scholars assesses nearly every aspect of Said’s workâhis contributions to postcolonial theory, his work on racism and ethnicity, his aesthetics and his resistance to the aestheticization of politics, his concepts of figuration, his assessment of the role of the exile in a metropolitan culture, and his work on music and the visual arts.
In two separate interviews, Said himself comments on a variety of topics, among them the response of the American Jewish community to his political efforts in the Middle East. Yet even as the Palestinian struggle finds a central place in his work, it is essentialâas the contributors demonstrateâto see that this struggle rests on and gives power to his general "critique of colonizers" and is not simply the outgrowth of a local nationalism. Perhaps more than any other person in the United States, Said has changed how the U.S. media and American intellectuals must think about and represent Palestinians, Islam, and the Middle East. Most importantly, this change arises not as a result of political action but out of a potent humanismâa breadth of knowledge and insight that has nourished many fields of inquiry. Originally a special issue of boundary 2, the book includes new articles on minority culture and on orientalism in music, as well as an interview with Said by Jacqueline Rose.
Supporting the claim that the last third of the twentieth century can be called the "Age of Said," this collection will enlighten and engage students in virtually any field of humanistic study.
Contributors. Jonathan Arac, Paul A. Bové, Terry Cochran, Barbara Harlow, Kojin Karatani, Rashid I. Khalidi, Sabu Kohsu, Ralph Locke, Mustapha Marrouchi, Jim Merod, W. J. T. Mitchell, Aamir R. Mufti, Jacqueline Rose, Edward W. Said, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Lindsay Waters
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Edward Said: Criticism and Society
Abdirahman A. Hussein
Manufacturer: Verso
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ASIN: 185984670X |
Book Description
Few public intellectuals have had such a big impact outside the academy as Edward Said, whose work has been the subject of much debate and discussion over the last two decades. From critiques of ideology mixed with philosophical reflections, to intellectual histories, literary criticism, and radical sociopolitical analysis he has single-handedly sustained a permanent insurrection against the status quo.
This, the first full-length intellectual biography of the groundbreaking author of Orientalism, reveals some startling observations. Abdirahman Hussein argues that underneath Said's carefully constructed eclecticism there is a global method in his work. His key text is not Orientalism but Beginnings, and the Palestinian experience informs all his texts, not simply those that deal explicitly with the catastrophe of 1948. Palestinian life has been scattered, discontinuous, and affected by what he calls the 'synchronized rhythms of disturbed time.' Edward Said's oeuvre mirrors this state but simultaneously transcends it in a permanent search for a new synthesis. Hussein argues that this informs Said's approach not only to Conrad, Swift, and Eliot, but also to Lukács, Williams, Gramsci, and Adorno.
Hussein's biography itself is bound to become the object of criticism and counter-criticism, a vital book that spotlights the collected writings of one of our most gifted cultural theorists.
Customer Reviews:
better served.......2003-03-25
It is a fact one would be better served reading Said rather than this book. Even the author of this book must likely vouch for such. Herein however, Hussein has patiently parsed and related the strands and materials from which Said works. The volume is clear to be sure, but lacks the polished prose and sparkle of its subject. This work does not review the life course of its subject. Rather, it reviews the works of the author, influences and arguments, aesthetic and political. For the most part Abdirahman Hussein writes of his subject with approval that at moments appears to be gushing. It is generally a disappointment that there are not more works of this nature and as a result of such puzzling paucity, this volume proves pleasing. Edward Said's work compels intellectuals to engage themselves politically and ideologically. As a result of a lacking synthesis or presiding theoretical bent in Said's work, some may conclude that it comes less thoughtfully produced. Mr. Hussein does well to clearly demonstrate that Edward Said's critical might and blight stem from the acute care he brings to his site specific interpretation of texts and situations. As curious and losing as it sounds, Hussein shows Said at work cultivating reason and taste while showing the world too often subdued and framed by something other than reason.
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Literature and Society: Selected Papers from the English Institute, 1978; (Selected Papers from the English Institute)
Edward W. Said
Manufacturer: The Johns Hopkins University Press
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Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 0801833469 |
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- A great start but an incomplete portal
- Introduces Said's Thought
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The Pen and the Sword: Conversations With David Barsamian
Edward W. Said
Manufacturer: Common Courage Press
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ASIN: 1567510310 |
Book Description
Edward W. Said, noted author, professor of Comparative Literature at Columbia University, and a Palestinian Christian raised in Jerusalem, is interviewed here on a range of subjects: from V.S. Naipaul's and Joseph Conrad's depictions of colonialism and empire in their novels; to the links between the Palestinian and South African struggles; to questions about the effectiveness of Yasser Arafat's leadership.
Customer Reviews:
A great start but an incomplete portal.......2001-11-03
Said's work is complex, intertextual and far reaching. Barsamian's interviews are a enlightening yet they are an incomplete portal to the work and impact of Edward Said. Don't get me wrong, the conversations with David Barsamian squarely place Said as a player in an often oversimplified discussion of a very complex issue - Palestine.
One of the more controversial, yet not often discussed topics is the role of the PLO in general and Arafat's in particular to the future of Palestine. The role of Arafat is not to be underestimated - he has singlehandedly represented (or at least singlehandedly represented himself as the voice of a nation) the interests of the Palestinian Arab. What are we to do with Arafat? More importantly, what at the disparate Palestinian Arabs going to do about Arafat? That is one of the key questions Barsamian and Said takes up here. If an organization that was built on "Liberation" is involved in Administration - is it a good thing? Are the players in this case qualified to perform Administration? If not, should others be considered to carry the banner. Ironically, you can draw a metaphor here that is patently Jewish. Moses did the liberation but Joshua took the Jews to the "promised land" - mind you, I am not making any comparisons of Arafat to Moses or the notion of the "promised land" as 100% legitimate - I am merely agreeing with Said that a second look might be advantageous.
One of the major points is the notion that there will never be normalization of relations unless the relationship is a relationship of equals:
"We are now on a new stage. What the Israelis want is a normalization of relatiohips between Israeland the Arab states including the Palestinians. Of course I'm all for normalization. But I think real normalization can only come between equals. You have to be able to discriminate between tutelage and dependency on teh one hand and independence and standing up as a co-equal with your interlocutor. We haven't done that. That's why I think it's the most important political task for the coming decade." p. 167.
How much simpler can it be?
Miguel Llora
Introduces Said's Thought.......2000-10-13
This little book is about 170 pages and made up of about five interviews from between 1987 to 1994 with Edward Said, the leading Palestinian intellectual, interviewed by David Barsamian, the producer and host of "Alternative Radio," famous for his collection of interviews with Noam Chomsky.
Said discourses on, among other topics, the role of culture in shaping literature, the pro-imperialist inclinations of V.S. Naipaul, the simultaneous anti-imperialist and anti-liberation outlook of Joseph Conrad, why Albert Camus is portrayed as having been an anti-colonialist when he was, in fact, quite the opposite, Western stereotypes about Arabs, why it is possible to have an honest discussion of Israel's flaws in the Israeli media but not in the United States, and the decline of the American left. Occasionally, he gets, well, a bit recondite, but he is often very interesting and I like him very much.
But he is at his best when discussing the Palestinian movement and its leadership, Arafat and the PLO, with whom he was on close terms before the 1993 Oslo accords. The thoughts in this book are from when the "peace process" was in its infancy but not much has changed, in spite of all the new agreements and changes of government in Israel. He discuses the PLO leadership's corruption, opportunism, utter ignorance of the U.S., Israel and anything else outside the Arab world, preference for acceptance into the high society of Washington, London and Paris instead of attending to the grassroots struggles of their people. He points to Arafat's resistance to pressures for internal PLO democracy as the reason for his acceptance of the Oslo accords, which gave the PLO control over a portion of the Gaza strip, which has become an ubelievable hellhole as a result of deliberate Israeli policies (Israel's responsibility for its condition is never noted in the U.S. media, as Said notes), so Israel seized at the chance to give some of it to Arafat; and accepted the Jewish settlements in the occupied territories as "legal", allowed Israel to continue building in Jerusalem and expanding "greater Jeruslem" to include all of the central West Bank, expropriating and robbing Palestinians as they go about it, Israeli retaining complete control over the settlements, the Jordan valley, the water and all the other resources, the economic policies, and a veto over all decisions passed by the Palestinian parliament. Arafat's basic duties are to pick up garbage and arrest and punish all persons whom Israel thinks threaten its "security," a very elastic concept, that includes a great many non-violent persons.
It is this "limited autonomy" that the PLO leadership has said, and the quite honest and decent persons who repeat everything that they say, will eventually evolve into a genuine Palestinian nation. Of course, as Said says, it will probably evolve into a state, but only in the same sense that the bantustans of apartheid South Africa were a state for its black inhabitants. This has not been, of course, the version of events of the PLO leadership, Yossi Sarrid, Ehud Barak, Amos Oz, Anthony Lewis, "Peace Now," nor genuine supporters of the Palestinians who have been supporting the "peace process" for whatever reason. These latter brethren, Said notes, seem to have completely put in the back of their minds that the Israeli prime minister who signed the Oslo accords, Yitzhak Rabin, was a man who had helped ethnically cleanse Palestinians back in 1948, who directed the reign of terror against the Palestinians during the intifadah, who was conducting mass atrocities and housing expropriations of Palestinians at the time of the signing of the accords and immediately escalated them afterwards, who, in July 1993, bombed hundreds of thousands of Lebanese, including many Palestinians, towards Beirut, in order, as he told the Knesset to put pressure on the Lebanese government to bend to Israel's demands.
As Said says, the Labor party has been and is every bit as racist and oppressive towards the Palestinians as Likud, which lacks the sophistication and appearance of moderation of Labor that endears it to the Anthony Lewis-Daniel Schorr type liberals. Said has been somewhat isolated in Palestinian circles because of his opposition to the "peace process." Hopefully, for their own sake, in light of the current horrible events in the territories, they will start listening to them.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from World Literature Today, published by University of Oklahoma on October 1, 2003. The length of the article is 503 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Abdirahman A. Hussein. Edward Said: Criticism and Society.(Book Review)
Author: Michael Thorpe
Publication:
World Literature Today (Refereed)
Date: October 1, 2003
Publisher: University of Oklahoma
Volume: 77
Issue: 3-4
Page: 153(1)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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