Customer Reviews:
African-American History done well.......2006-11-01
Peter H. Wood did a thoroughly researched well written history of African-Americans in South Carolina from 1670 to the Stono Rebellion. I am African-American and read this book for the first time in college; it was assigned to me by a terrific professor, (Thomas R. Hietala). I came to that class with my own concept of what slavery was and what it meant; this book totally challenged me to question my perceptions of slavery. I believed the stereotypic view that Africans were brought here and taught skills here and picked cotton and it was all misery and this book and others he assigned showed me how our modern vision of slavery is very shallow.
This book focuses on the rice growing region of South Carolina and it shows how slavers concentrated on capturing Africans from the rice coast because of their agricultural knowledge and skills; he shed a light on who these African people were before slavery. It explores how the cash crop in South Carolina came to be rice. How South Carolina was established as a colony of Barbados and the slave owners in South Carolina were formerly working class overseers who worked for the royal owners of Sugar Plantations in Barbados and later became land and slave owners in South Carolina; in both places (Barbados and South Carolina) the populations became Black majorities.
It also shows how slavery system in South Carolina evolved for the enslaved from something that was oppressive and informal into something brutal, permanent and hopeless. The evolution of slavery also changed the owners as they became a numerical minority the also became increasingly paranoid, determined to establish brutal absolute authority over the slaves and blinded by their own propaganda.
It seems even more astonishing they began to believe that Africans were better off and happy under a system that enslaved them. The most powerful thing Professor Hietala ever said in our class was "Never forget that slaves always wanted ownership of their own bodies and the power to direct their own lives and destinies; nothing was more important."
At times I think historians forget this when writing about African-American slaves. Wood understands this and he also shows respect for how enslaved Africans not only yearned for their freedom but how they planned and took risks for their freedom. He explores in depth the complexity and challenges of their struggle in choosing to look at the Stono Rebellion and the events that lead up to this big risk.
The story Wood tells begins with the history of these two communities (Barbados overseers who become South Carolina planters and enslaved Africans) continues with the development of the system of slavery in South Carolina and climaxes at the Stono Rebellion. The most fascinating thing about this act of Resistance is how close they came to success. When reading it for the first time I found myself saddened that they did not succeed because their success could have rewritten African-American History by altering the issues that sparked the Civil War and subsequent events; Reconstruction, Jim-Crow and the Civil Rights Movement. In essence their success could have changed my history and had far reaching implications with respect to who I am.
I think it is worth reading because of the history it explores and because Wood is an excellent researcher and writer. He not only uncovers the history but he exposes readers to the lives of enslaved Africans in a new way by portraying them as whole human beings who had a life before slavery. He treats with respect their existence and culture in Africa and acknowledges how it (African culture) influenced the economy and agriculture of South Carolina and by inference the South. It is a brilliant well researched and written work, as a student I came to appreciate that brilliant scholars were not always brilliant writers, Wood excels at both. I recommend it highly to any one interested in learning more about African-American history.
Well written....kind of slow.......2005-02-21
Black mojority is a momagram written to examinne the life of an african american in carolina during the colonial era. While it is very thourough in ts analysis of the slaves role and growth durning this time, it moves very slowly. I was assigned to read this book for a history course i was taking in college, so this wasn't a book i would noramlly pick up and read. I did find that i learned may things i did not know about this time and slaves. I found it all very facinating. this is a great book to read if you plan to major in history. It is thorough and well put together, all in all a great book to learn and grow from.
Good Study of Africans in 18th Century South Carolina.......2003-03-11
Peter Wood presents a very thorough account of Africans in South Carolina in the 1700s. From the first Africans to arrive on a Spanish expedition in 1526 and the African migrants arriving from Barbados in 1670 to the social tensions of the 1700s, Wood covers such topics as cattle raising, rice cultivation, disease, family life, religion, Black English, growing anxieties between whites and blacks, and the Stono Rebellion in 1739. Blacks became the majority population in South Carolina by the early 1700s. They were brought in as laborers and were immune to many lowland diseases that led to the higher mortality and morbidity rate among European settlers. Interestingly, the sickle cell trait heightened Africans' resistance to malaria. What I gathered from this work is that, while Africans were enslaved by the whites, Africans shaped South Carolina more than any other group through such things as their knowledge of cattle grazing, rice planting and cleaning, etc. Interesting book but, due to the narrowness of the study, I would only recommend it to those interested in black history or South Carolina.
Excellent Overview.......2001-11-16
This study of slavery in early SC is well researched and well written, a social history told in narrative style with a clearly defined chronological structure. Makes a great companion to Philip Morgan's Slave Counterpoint.
Fascinating history, told well.......2000-03-07
Peter H. Wood describes the experience of Blacks in early South Carolina. In the initial stages of colonization, planters welcomed the skills of Africans, encouraging Black initiative in many projects. Some Africans herded cattle and cultivated rice and indigo, as they had in various parts of Africa. Eventually, however, landowners shifted to intensive plantation development. Planters then sought to limit the strikingly independent economic pursuits of enslaved African-Americans. Wood sets the stage for the outbreak of the Stono Rebellion in 1739; he then chronicles the revolt with a combination of magnificent scholarship and tremendous narrative skill.
Book Description
Since the creation of minority-dominated congressional districts eight years ago, the Supreme Court has condemned the move as akin to "political apartheid," while many African-American leaders argue that such districts are required for authentic representation.
In the most comprehensive treatment of the subject to date, David Canon shows that the unintended consequences of black majority districts actually contradict the common wisdom that whites will not be adequately represented in these areas. Not only do black candidates need white votes to win, but this crucial "swing" vote often decides the race. And, once elected, even the black members who appeal primarily to black voters usually do a better job than white members of walking the racial tightrope, balancing the needs of their diverse constituents.
Ultimately, Canon contends, minority districting is good for the country as a whole. These districts not only give African Americans a greater voice in the political process, they promote a politics of commonality—a biracial politics—rather than a politics of difference.
Customer Reviews:
Predicting Representation Styles In Black Majority Districts.......2005-10-24
In an attempt to predict the behavior of representatives as well as political outcomes in black majority districts, Canon develops the "supply-side theory." Canon writes, the "supply-side perspective examines the process of candidate emergence: how individual politicians respond to the electoral context imposed by new district lines, and in turn, their decisions shape electoral outcome in a given district" (93).
According to Canon's theory, as black majority districts are created, a high number of black candidates will emerge. He further suggests that if only black candidates run, the winning black candidate will adhere to a "politics of commonality" approach to representation. If a white candidate is also in the field, the winning black candidate will adhere to a "politics of difference" approach to representation (94). In other words, in a black majority district, "the presence or absence of a white candidate will determine which type of black candidate wins" (96).
In order to test the supply-side theory and explore the balancing approach to representation, Canon developed a methodology composed of both quantitative and qualitative methods; here termed a method of triangulation.
From the qualitative school, Canon uses comparative case study analysis. Canon uses two case studies of black majority districts in North Carolina. In addition to case studies, Canon conducted a number of interviews with representatives and staffers. The qualitative method allows the author to concentrate on individual behaviors and motivations. The author argues that the use of case studies and interviews allows for the exploration of variables such as personal ambition, and other variables that motivate candidates to enter political races. In addition, Canon concludes that "members of Congress (from black majority districts) get elected by appealing to different electoral coalitions, and they stay in office by keeping those constituencies happy," in other words, by maintaining a balancing approach to representation (143).
In order to support his hypothesis with quantitative evidence, Canon uses a data set that "includes the race of every candidate in House districts that were at least 30 percent black in 1972, 1982, and 1992" (96). This data set allows the author to test specific assumptions by controlling for different variables across districts. Furthermore, Canon offers a host of regression analyses covering many instances of race in politics in the House of Representatives. He uses Leadership Conference on Civil Rights scores, statistics of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), racial content of bills and legislative outcomes, and others. The research illustrates a number of important phenomena regarding the representation of black constituents by African-American legislators.
First, in the early years of the CBC, black legislators maintained a politics of difference style of representation. However, after 1992, an influx of moderate black representatives changed the make up of the CBC. Canon proposes that these changes are a result of supply-side and "constituency-based" factors. In other words, as black representatives more often appeal to a politics of commonality campaign style, the style is translated into a representative style in the House. Once in the House, the representatives who were elected on a platform of commonality take a balancing approach to representation. Canon's quantitative research promotes that "For many members of the CBC it makes sense to break with the CBC and work with the Democratic leadership on one piece of legislations, while simultaneously speaking out for minority interests on another" (199). In other words, the new black representatives consciously follow a system of acknowledging racial issues, but consider both white and black interests.
Lastly, the question arises as to whether black majority districts deny representation to white constituents. Canon has discovered that black members representing a duality of racial interests are better able to balance the diverse needs of black and white constituents, than white representatives (244). As such, Canon argues that black majority districts serve as good "middle-ground position" for both proponents of commonality and difference methods of representation. He feels that it is imperative that minorities receive a greater political representation and the creation of black majority districts does not impinge on the rights of white constituents as the politics of difference was not predominate in black majority districts.
Excellent.......2000-03-28
David Canon's account of race and representation is an excellent one. His eclectic research methodology engages the reader; personal interviews with congressmen and their staffers complement other, more traditional, analyses very well. In sum, majority-minority districts promote the "politics of commonality," moderating racism and fear on all sides. While Canon's philosophical "pleading" disappointed the previous reviewer, I found his candor quite refreshing. Rare is the scholar who admits personal bias.
For a unique, well-argued, and persuasive study of racial politics, buy this book.
Very interesting, although imperfect.......1999-11-04
Canon put in a lot of empirical research and he is to be congratulated. I have seen more writings on this subject that I care to recall, but never as detailed account as one gets here of the deliberations within the North Carolina assembly that led to its infamous ink-blot-like districting map.
Also, Canon presents evidence of something that seems to have come as a surprise to him -- that on a wide range of issues black Americans are not significantly to the political left of white Americans even as a matter of statistical average. He gathered survey data on a wide range of issues he codes as non-racial, including health care, taxes, abortion, etc. He has plotted the results, broken down by race, on a scale from 0 (rightwardmost possible opinion) to 1 (leftwardmost possible opinion). The distribution of white and black opinions on this basket of issues was nearly identical. The "mean" black opinion on that scale was 0.4654. The "mean" white opinion was 0.4653!
Despite such interesting features, the book is marred by some special pleading for Canon's own political views.
Book Description
Lauded for its contribution to the theory and conceptualization of the field of women's history and for its sensitivity to the differences of class, ethnicity, race, and culture among women, The Majority Finds Its Past became a classic volume in women's history after its original publication in 1979. This edition includes a foreword by Linda K. Kerber, introducing a new generation of readers to Gerda Lerner's body of work and highlighting the importance of the essays in this collection to the development of the field that Lerner helped establish.
Customer Reviews:
Women's History for New Students.......2002-04-07
This book was required reading for my first Women Studies course in college on the history of the female race. It was a truly eye-opening book at the time (1982) - and continues to be a great resource. Gerda Lerner is an admired figure in the American women's movement. She did the public a tremendous service in producing this book. Recommended for any library.
Book Description
Picking up where the bestselling Losing the Race left off, this penetrating and profound collection of essays by the controversial thinker and passionate advocate for racial enlightenment and achievement explores what it means to be black in America today.
According to the author, nearly forty years after the Civil Rights Act, African-Americans in this country still remain "a race apart." He feels that modern black Americans have internalized a tacit message: "authentically black" people stress initiative in private but cloak the race in victimhood in public in order to protect black people from an ever-looming white backlash. He terms this the "New Double Consciousness" in homage to W.E.B. DuBois' description of a different kind of double consciousness in blacks a century ago.
Within this context McWhorter takes the reader on a guided tour through the race issues dominant in our moment: racial profiling, getting past race, the reparations movement, black stereotypes in film and television, hip-hop, diversity, affirmative action, the word nigger, and Cornel West's resignation from Harvard.
With his fierce intelligence and fervent eloquence, McWhorter makes a powerful case for the advancement of true racial equality.
A timely and important work about issues that must be addressed by blacks and whites alike, Authentically Black is a book for Americans of every racial, social, political, and economic persuasion.
Download Description
"Picking up where the bestselling Losing the Race left off, this penetrating and profound collection of essays by the controversial thinker and passionate advocate for racial enlightenment and achievement explores what it means to be black in America today. According to the author, nearly forty years after the Civil Rights Act, African-Americans in this country still remain ""a race apart."" He feels that modern black Americans have internalized a tacit message: ""authentically black"" people stress initiative in private but cloak the race in victimhood in public in order to protect black people from an ever-looming white backlash. He terms this the ""New Double Consciousness"" in homage to W.E.B. DuBois' description of a different kind of double consciousness in blacks a century ago. Within this context McWhorter takes the reader on a guided tour through the race issues dominant in our moment: racial profiling, getting past race, the reparations movement, black stereotypes in film and television, hip-hop, diversity, affirmative action, the word nigger, and Cornel West's resignation from Harvard. With his fierce intelligence and fervent eloquence, McWhorter makes a powerful case for the advancement of true racial equality. A timely and important work about issues that must be addressed by blacks and whites alike, Authentically Black is a book for Americans of every racial, social, political, and economic persuasion."
Customer Reviews:
The real deal.......2006-09-05
Once again John raised issues nobody wants to hear back into why Black Americans seem to hurt ourselves and not help one another.
Eye-Opening.......2005-11-14
McWhorter considers himself a moderate black man. He is an academian in linguistics, but his second career is in writing and speaking about black issues. He has written a series of essays about the current problems facing blacks in America, many of which have been previously published. In this book, he expands on these essays, giving us a profound overview of the victimization attitude which contributes to the resistance to deracialization of blacks here in the USA.
I have a black friend who likes to play the race card at the drop of a hat. This leaves me with nothing to say, unless we both are willing to have a lengthy private conversation, which may or may not be productive. McWhorter has covered in this book topics I would like to discuss with my friend - has said it much better than I could - and has done it from a personal, studied, and comprehensive vantage point. Below are short excerpts from the chapters of this excellent book, mostly in his words.
Chapter I - Many blacks are careful to portray a pessimistic public outlook in order to "keep whitey on the hook." Privately, their silent mainly middle class majority wish they could have just one generation that didn't absorb this complex cultural victimization attitude. One generation would do it.
Chapter II - Racial profiling is a fact. Other than inconvenient examples of thoughtless inconsideration - which are just as easily overlooked - this remains the last bastion of overt racism. Yet a young black male usually did it, a problem that began with the war on drugs. A powerful and thoughtful analysis, advocating that a cultural bias (within the black community) against real achievement and education works against blacks.
Chapter III - The reparations movement - re: Randall Robinson's book, "The Debt." With the advantages legislated in by Johnson, blacks have been given all the boost they can expect. "Most blacks about fifty or younger tend to tacitly process affirmative action...as a 'reparation,' although they would not put it just that way...The fact that Robinson and the reparation crowd cannot see the alternative views as even worthy of addressing indicates their true interest - assuaging the sense of inferiority to whites that gnaws at the black American soul."
Chapter IV - Review of Bogle's "Primitive Blues," or playing the "can you find the stereotype" game. Bogle blames the TV industry since all shows are not like his preferential type (Cosby), criticizing all actors involved no matter how they perform their role. McWhorter gives the optimistic view, reflecting how the TV industry is well on its way toward an integrated and "deracialized" future.
Chapter V - Diversity - "There comes a point where a people can only achieve at the same level as the ruling group if the safety net is withdrawn."
Chapter VI - McWhorter analyses the "N" word from all vantage points: "Once we have done the right thing for ourselves - which is what interests me - the word will no longer seem so interesting." A fascinating chapter.
Chapter VII - African History - "Black Americans would benefit more from a conception of history focusing not on Africa but on the US: blacks in America speaking english, worshipping a Christian God, living with whites, in a post-industrial society." This chapter then gives a brief essay of McWhorter's idea of what black history should be.
Chapter VIII - Black academics and doing the right thing.
Chapter IX - A seething indictment of Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton; then a thoughtful presentation of new black leaders who are quietly doing the right things.
This is a superb book that builds interest gradually until it can barely be put down. If you're not black, there is probably much that has escaped your notice. Having read "Authentically Black," I now possess a vastly better understanding of the situation and recommend this book be promoted to the top of your list.
On Afro-Americans and Asians, Latinos and Gringos ..........2005-10-20
John H. McWhorter, 37-year-old Afro-American and linguistics Professor, criticizes the image identification of his brothers and sisters with a certain maliciousness, an image as on the one hand constructed by liberal left-wing politics, on the other hand advanced by pop culture . The politics is tightly still too much attached to the no longer quite realistic, melodramatic idea, that the blacks are still the victims (Al Sharpton) in a territory, where still racism subliminally exists. McWhorter denies this. He slaughters a sacred cow, of which many blacks think, though, one still needs her for milking. However John McWhorter thinks that all non-whites, whether Asians, Latinos or Afro-Americans have fair chances at school or at professional areas in the USA at present. Perhaps he overflows (to the joy of some Republicans eternal of yesterday) with such an assertion to the store of the opponents. Perhaps he formulates something which has been already recognized by psychologists as important: take a look at the book of Martin Seligman, "Learned Optimism". A passive victim mentality is dysfunctional, only self consciousness seems saving - and if it is only an individual bridge, at first one makes progress alone (without the populace, following later). McWhorter preaches, that restrictingly is a self-produced whininess, is to bury oneself with gestures of a subculture behavior: Hip Hop is not important and also not important is to wear the cap turned round differently. Of such irrelevant nonsense, please one shall come loose. Black identity may not be equated to the dead end of "reparations payments" (Randall Robinson) or with hip swing acrobatics. One should copy the joy of achieving great things like the Asians practice -- instead of equating himself with the failed eternally. One by the way does not fail. One has gigantic success: Britney Spears or Mariah Carey are pieces of evidence for the imitation rage of the white individuals, which wanted to learn something from the blacks. It would therefore be counterproductive to show itself eternal in the dress of the failed beggar. It would be the reality already, that the most influential Americans would have a black skin color. McWhorter does not think only of Condoleezza Rice or Colin Powell (the system critics Howard Zinn despicably counts them as members of the "staff for the rich and powerful"), but he thinks of the Hip Hop music Mogul Russell Simmons (a little illogically). However, nowadays, it therefore would be absurd that (in Hip-Hop-song-lyrics) artists would talk about the discrimination against the blacks. McWorther, who likes to mention, that black men could marry white women nowadays, wishes all his brothers and sisters to have a self-confident basic ego and a little of that self consciousness, which the Latino disparagingly lets speak of the "Gringo"...
Illuminating, Not for Michael Eric Dyson fans.......2005-09-30
I wasn't sure what to expect, but this book was brilliant. John bravely deals with touchy issues in/and facing Black America.I'm personally surprised his amazon rating is as high as it is; Since boooks like this tend to make people defensive and slinging "Uncle Tom" after 2 paragraphs. Anyway If you have an open mind about the concepts widely accepted about Black America, give this book a try. It won't be a cormfortable read, but the points brought up in the booking are worth consideration and discussion. His thoughts about Afro-centrisim are priceless, sure to shock and anger many.Theres no going back from this book, my world view hasn't been changed this drasticly since reading "The Color Complex".
the higher McWhorter climbs, the more he shows his behind.......2005-08-30
When I first learned of McWhorter via his article in the WILSON QUARTERLY, I smelled a rat. Nevertheless I surmised that McWhorter was a tad more intelligent than the run-of-the-mill black neocon nitwit. Then I read his book LOSING THE RACE, and while I found his argument highly flawed, especially his scapegoating of affirmative action, I thought he was of interest as a barometer of the rigidification of America's class structure. Then I came upon AUTHENTICALLY BLACK and realized that McWhorter is not only wrong, but he's as much an imbecile as the rest of the black neocon pack.
This book reveals the vacuity of McWhorter's political perspective. Its conspicuous stupidity reminds me of how thoroughly incapable most Americans are of honestly appraising our social structure. Is there really any reason anymore to expect an ambitious black middle class professional to display any more insight than anyone else? No, the ignorance is no longer strictly color-coded; it is a unique all-American ignorance, a fragmented view of social organization, an inability to put individual responsibility and social structure together in the same sentence, an unwillingness to penetrate beneath the canned positions, hype and BS that pervade our political and cultural discourse.
The tip-off is McWhorter's exclusive focus on ideology and cliche among his 'opponents'. It is the easiest thing in the world to skim off the bad arguments and ideas floating around in this society and criticize them. Leftists, liberals, old-line civil rights leaders, black intellectuals and culture critics, etc. are as liable as anyone else to make stupid arguments based on faulty logic and stereotypical notions. Such shallowness is how our ideological discourse is structured. But to focus exclusively on confused thinking and to channel-surf the ideological superstructures of society while taking everything else about the status quo for granted, as if nothing is really wrong with society other than the usual generic imperfections of human nature--this is real cluelessness. This is what marks the black conservative as a moron.
To hear McWhorter tell it, leftists, liberals, and the civil rights establishment have misled the American people for the past 40 years by drumming into people's heads the notion that black people should think of themselves as victims helpless in the face of adverse prejudices and creating a damned-if-you-do-damned-if-you-don't approach to any evidence of inclusion of black people in mainstream society.
To repeat, McWhorter abstracts out of the ideological flotsam and jetsam of other people's bad arguments to concoct a generic liberal-left conspiracy that disguises how much progress has actually been made and how little the persistence of adverse circumstances should discourage anyone. The tipoff is how much admiration McWhorter musters for blacks in the conservative elite: Condoleeza Rice, Colin Powell, the black bourgeois preppie who wrote an autobiography about his life among the black elite, et al. In this respect, McWhorter is indistinguishable from the white middle class suburbanite who worships success in mainstream terms and sees nothing wrong with the world except for the losers who lack the initiative to make it. McWhorter's whole argument is predicated on the notion that black success should not be equated with selling out (the victim mentality). Success as defined in mainstream terms should not be racialized, an attitude that paralyzes individual initiative.
Now can you see how mentally retarded this view of society is, _especially_ if you demystify race as McWhorter suggests? How thoroughly embroiled in ideology, how restricted the terms of discourse and analysis? McWhorter finds knee-jerk defensiveness among black Americans dysfunctional, but does he ever stop to link instances of excessive defensiveness to the lack of political and social consciousness of the society as a whole (not to mention its general viciousness), which inhibits the articulation of any perspective beyond competing canned positions? This man is professionally a linguist, but the one aspect of language that evades him is its perverse relationship to concepts, its facilitation or blockage of the potential to form systems of concepts adequate to penetrate to the inmost core of the structuring principles of our man-made world. He can only criticize one layer of ideological symbolism and has nothing to replace it with other than the facile acceptance of the status quo. The class structure of society is taken as commonsense, a given.
And for this reason, this nation is doomed.
Book Description
The Emerging Black GOP Majority is a comprehensive examination of the Republican Party's past, present, and future efforts to break the Democratic Party's lock on the black vote. It presents an in-depth look at the GOP's successes and failures, and assesses the pitfalls and possibilities of its outreach efforts among black voters. The book presents a fresh look at a crucial area of American politics and race.
Customer Reviews:
The Title is Misleading.......2007-05-27
I did not purchase this from Amazon, but read it from somewhere else.
First, I think the title is misleading. It should be called The Challenge the GOP faces with courting Black America. If it was an emerging majority, wouldn't more African-Americans have voted for Bush in 2004?
I was expecting to see more how the Republican Party lost most of the black vote through speaking for state rights and pandering to racists starting in the 60's and Bill Clinton was a wake-up call for Republicans (seeing how he was loved by Black America).
Instead, the book shows how President Bush has tried to get more of the black vote. Maybe he knows how badly the relationship between the GOP and Black America has gone downhill. There was even a section of how Reagan tried to appeal to black conservatives too even though he wasn't well liked by the black community. It also goes into Clarence Thomas and shows how blacks can be both black and conservative (the same can also be said for Asians, Hispanics, Jews, etc...)
Another thing I think is there wasn't much blame to put on Democrats either. With Katrina, Hutchinson didn't put any blame on Blanco or Nagin about it. But it is true, most blacks didn't approve of Bush's handling. Nor did he not blame civil rights leaders for not preaching self-reliance and hard work. We all know what happened with Bill Cosby after his speech in 2004.
I also noticed this too. The comments Bill Bennett made about aborting black babies to decrease the crime rate was cut. Bennett said it would be a morally reprehensible thing to do after he said that. Hutchinson didn't put that in there.
Plus, if Hillary or Obama get nominated for the Democrats choice of President they won't get much of the black vote like they did for 40+ years.
The Republican Party has gone through dark times, but can they move past and show Black America they are not who they were 40 or even 20 years ago? Can the Republican Party go back to when they stood up for civil rights? Only time will tell.
Overall, an interesting book to read.
Average customer rating:
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Black Majority
Roberta B. Sykes
Manufacturer: Australia in Print
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Binding: Paperback
 Australian
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ASIN: 094987325X |
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