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Pretsarist and Tsarist Central Asia: Communal Commitment and Political Order in Change (Central Asian Studies Series)
Paul Geor Geiss
Manufacturer: RoutledgeCurzon
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ASIN: 0415311772 |
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Whereas in previous studies scholars have evaluated Central Asia politics from the perspective of their own political values, in this study, Central Asian political order is studied in its own terms by analyzing its perseverance and discontinuities with regard to its involvement with Central Asian community structures. This study, written from the perspective of political sociology, represents the first comparative examination of Central Asian communal and political organization before and after the tsarist conquest of the region. It covers Turkman, Kyrgyz, Kazakh and other tribal societies, analyses the patrimonial state structures of the Emirate of Bukhara and the Khanates of Khiva and Khokland, and discusses the impacts of the established tsarist civil military administration on communal and political orientations of the Muslim population.
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The Caucasus and Central Asian Republics at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century: A guide to the economies in transition (Routledge Studies of Societies in Transition)
Ian Jeffries
Manufacturer: Routledge
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ASIN: 0415325927 |
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Following the highly successful Economies in Transition: A Guide to China, Cuba, Mongolia, North Korea and Vietnam at the turn of the twenty-first century (published in the Routledge Studies in Development Economics series), Eastern Europe at the Turn of the Twenty-first Century: A guide to the economies in transition and The Former Yugoslavia at the Turn of the Twenty-first Century: A guide to the economies in transition, this book is the first of two which focuses on economic and political events in the countries of the former Soviet Union. The author presents a clear, detailed and accessible breakdown of the developments in the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) and the Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. This book provides a unique level of coverage of economic and political events of global significance, including foreign trade, foreign direct investment, the impact of oil and natural gas finds, Islamic extremism,the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the reaction of the CIS countries and the war on international terrorism. It will provide an invaluable source of reference for all those interested in transitional and developing countries.
Average customer rating:
- Interesting but lacking
- Read for Class, Pretty Good
- Cooperation & Containment in Sino-Vietnamese Relations
- good summary but...
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China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950-1975 (The New Cold War History)
Qiang Zhai
Manufacturer: The University of North Carolina Press
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The Sorrow of War
ASIN: 0807848425
Release Date: 2000-03-15 |
Book Description
In the quarter century after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Beijing assisted Vietnam in its struggle against two formidable foes, France and the United States. Indeed, the rise and fall of this alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia. Drawing on newly released Chinese archival sources, memoirs and diaries, and documentary collections, Qiang Zhai offers the first comprehensive exploration of Beijing's Indochina policy and the historical, domestic, and international contexts within which it developed.
In examining China's conduct toward Vietnam, Zhai provides important insights into Mao Zedong's foreign policy and the ideological and geopolitical motives behind it. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, he shows, Mao considered the United States the primary threat to the security of the recent Communist victory in China and therefore saw support for Ho Chi Minh as a good way to weaken American influence in Southeast Asia. In the late 1960s and 1970s, however, when Mao perceived a greater threat from the Soviet Union, he began to adjust his policies and encourage the North Vietnamese to accept a peace agreement with the United States.
Customer Reviews:
Interesting but lacking.......2007-04-16
This is very important history. For much of the last 50 years the history of Vietnam has mostly been one of the history of the Vietnam war, there has been little attention paid to the history of the country or its relations with its other neighbors such as Cambodia or China. Yet the Chinese relationship is immensely important. Even during the Vietnam war the relationship was very complex, especially in light of Detente. By the high point of Detente in 1973, Vietnam and China had many differences, not onyl culturally and historically but also in terms of power-politics. Vietnam became mostly an ally of the U.S.S.R. After the fall of Saigon and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia things changed again and China demonstrated along the Vietnamese border and invaded the country for a few kilometers to teach it that China was the boss of southeast Asia, not Vietnam. After all Vietnam ousted China's ally, Pol Pot, from Pnomh Penh. However this book does not make light of this, it ends in 1975 and for that this book is a shame for it should have continued the story.
Nevertheless this is an important book and an important contribution.
Seth J. Frantzman
Read for Class, Pretty Good.......2006-04-24
Author Qiang Zhai, professor of history at Auburn University Montgomery in Alabama, explains his rationale for writing this book in the introduction, "The rise and fall of the Sino-Vietnamese alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia in general and Chinese foreign relations in particular." During the course of his research, Zhai found many, yet complex, motives behind Beijing's Indochina policy and one of his main premises is that the Beijing-Hanoi relationship was composed of both agreements and contradictions, cooperation and confrontation.
China and Vietnam had a complicated relationship long before the Indochina wars of the mid-20th century. Zhai believes that the Vietnamese "had a tradition of looking to China for models and inspirations," but there also were "historical animosities between the two countries as a result of China's interventions in Vietnam." Zhai writes that Mao Zedong was very eager to help Vietnam because Mao believed Indochina constituted one of the three fronts (the others being Korea and Taiwan). When the Viet Minh army headed toward the decisive battle at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, they were accompanied by a Chinese general military adviser and China furnished the PAVN with antiaircraft guns, as well as engineering experts and large quantities of ammunition. The Viet Minh won the battle but were bitterly disappointed by the peace which followed. According to Zhai, China's approach to the Geneva conference was motivated by fear of the United States' designs in Indochina: "To prevent American intervention, [Zhou Enlai] was ready to compromise of the Laotian and Cambodian issue," and he formally proposed the immediate withdrawal of the Viet Minh troops from Laos and Cambodia.
An interesting part of the book is when Zhai makes the assertion that, in 1961, President Kennedy set out to increase U.S. commitment to the Saigon regime. In response, according to Zhai, Mao Zedong expressed a general support for the armed struggle of the South Vietnamese people, but China's leaders were uneasy about their Vietnamese comrades' tendency to conduct large-unit operations in the south. Zhai writes: "The period between 1961 and 1964 was a crucial one in the evolution of Sino-DRV relations....Its urgent need to resist American pressure increased its reliance on China's material assistance." In Zhai's view, although Chinese leaders were determined to avoid war with the United States, Beijing said that if the United States attacks China, that would mean war and there would be no limits to the war. Above all, Mao and his associates wanted the North Vietnamese to wage a protracted war to tie down the United States in Vietnam.
When the Paris negotiations began in May 1968, Beijing was "unenthusiastic." In less than three years, the international situation changed. By 1971, according to Zhai, Chinese leaders were hoping to see an early conclusion of the Vietnam War in order to preserve American power and contain Soviet influence. After President Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972, according to Zhai, the North Vietnamese learned that Chinese foreign policy drew less on Communist unity and more on Chinese national interest. In September 1975, just a few months after Saigon fell and Vietnam was unified, Zhai writes that Mao told a Vietnamese visitor, in effect, "Hanoi should stop looking to China for assistance...The long historical conflict between China and Vietnam...had returned to life."
In conclusion, and in my opinion, the most important aspects of this book is its demonstration that international Communism was not huge in the 1960s and 1970s. Zhai makes clear that the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China encouraged and aided Vietnam's struggle for independence from France and its war for national unification against the United States, but the Communist powers were motivated more by national interests than by revolutionary solidarity. The history of Chinese-Vietnamese relations between 1950 and 1975 must be viewed within the broader contexts of growing Sino-Soviet competition for dominance in the international Communist movement and of China's eventual, if only limited, relationship with the United States.
Cooperation & Containment in Sino-Vietnamese Relations.......2000-10-09
In the introduction to this scholarly and impassive, but very interesting, study of China's relations with Vietnam during the height of the Cold War, Author Qiang Zhai, professor of history at Auburn University Montgomery in Alabama, explains his rationale for writing this book: "The rise and fall of the Sino-Vietnamese alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia in general and Chinese foreign relations in particular." According to Zhai, he drew on "fresh Chinese documents to present a full-length treatment of the evolution of the Sino-DRV relationship between the two Indochina wars, focusing on its strategic, political, and military aspects." During the course of his research, Zhai found "a complex blend of motives behind Beijing's Indochina policy," and one of his main premises is that the "Beijing-Hanoi relationship was composed of both agreements and contradictions, cooperation and confrontation."
China and Vietnam had a complicated relationship long before the Indochina wars of the mid-20th century. According to Zhai, the Vietnamese "had a tradition of looking to China for models and inspirations," but there also were "historical animosities between the two countries as a result of China's interventions in Vietnam." Zhai writes that Mao Zedong was "eager to aid Ho Chi Minh in 1950" because Mao believed "Indochina constituted one of the three fronts (the others being Korea and Taiwan) that Mao perceived as vulnerable to an invasion by imperialist countries headed by the United States." When the Viet Minh army headed toward the decisive battle at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, they were accompanied by a Chinese "general military adviser," and China furnished the PAVN with antiaircraft guns, as well as engineering experts and large quantities of ammunition. The Viet Minh won the battle but were bitterly disappointed by the peace which followed. According to Zhai, China's approach to the Geneva conference was motivated by fear of the United States' designs in Indochina: "To prevent American intervention, [Zhou Enlai] was ready to compromise of the Laotian and Cambodian issue," and he formally proposed "withdrawal of the Viet Minh troops from Laos and Cambodia." Zhai writes: "For the Vietnamese Communists, the Geneva Conference served as a lesson about the nature and limits of Communist internationalism," and both Beijing and Moscow pressured the Viet Minh "to abandon its efforts to unify the whole of Vietnam."
Zhai makes the controversial assertion that, in 1961, President Kennedy "set out to increase U.S. commitment to the Saigon regime." In response, according to Zhai, Mao Zedong "expressed a general support for the armed struggle of the South Vietnamese people," but China's leaders "were uneasy about their Vietnamese comrades' tendency to conduct large-unit operations in the south." Zhai writes: "The period between 1961 and 1964 was a crucial one in the evolution of Sino-DRV relations....Its urgent need to resist American pressure increased its reliance on China's material assistance." According to Zhai: "The newly available Chinese documents clearly indicate that Beijing provided extensive support (short of volunteer pilots) to Hanoi during the Vietnam War and in doing so risked war with the United States." In Zhai's view, although Chinese leaders were "determined to avoid war with the United States," Beijing warned that "if the United States bombs China[,] that would mean war and there would be no limits to the war." According to Zhai: "Between 1965 and 1968, Beijing strongly opposed peace talks between Hanoi and Washington and rejected a number of international initiatives designed to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam conflict." "Above all, Mao and his associates wanted the North Vietnamese to wage a protracted war to tie down the United States in Vietnam." When the Paris negotiations began in May 1968, Beijing was "unenthusiastic." In less than three years, the international situation changed. Zhai's lengthy discussion of the complicated internal and international events leading up to the crisis in Cambodia in 1970 is a case study in Machiavellian politics and diplomacy. By 1971, according to Zhai, Chinese leaders were "keen to see an early conclusion of the Vietnam War in order to preserve American power and contain Soviet influence." After President Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972, according to Zhai, the North Vietnamese "drew a bitter lesson from Nixon's handshake with Mao that China's foreign policy was concerned less with Communist unity than with the pursuit of China's national interest." In Zhai';s view: "Nixon's decision to normalize relations with Beijing nullified the hitherto basic rationale of the Vietnam War, namely to contain and isolate Communist China." According to Zhai: "Mao and Zhou Enlai viewed with satisfaction the conclusion of the Paris Peace Agreement." In September 1975, just a few months after Saigon fell and Vietnam was unified, Zhai writes that Mao told a Vietnamese visitor, in effect, "Hanoi should stop looking to China for assistance." "The long historical conflict between China and Vietnam...had returned to life."
In conclusion, Zhai asserts that "[t]here were two strands in China's policy toward Vietnam during the two Indochina wars: cooperation and containment;" "From the 1950s to 1968, the cooperation side of China's policy was predominant; and "From the late 1960s, particularly between 1972 and 1975, the containment side of China's policy became more prominent." In my opinion, the most important aspects of this book is its demonstration that international Communism was not monolithic in the 1960s and 1970s. Zhai makes clear that the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China encouraged and aided Vietnam's struggle for independence from France and its war for national unification against the United States, but the Communist powers were motivated more by national interests than by revolutionary solidarity. The history of Chinese-Vietnamese relations between 1950 and 1975 must be viewed within the broader contexts of growing Sino-Soviet competition for primacy in the international Communist movement and of China's eventual, if only limited, rapprochement with the United States. Zhai's book is, therefore, an important contribution to the literature about the most controversial foreign war in American history.
good summary but..........2000-05-17
Mr. Zhai's contribution to Cold War history is a worthy addition to any CW buff's collection, since China's role in the conflict has always been a mix of "Yellow Peril" paranoia, rumor and biased commentary. It is a sound summary of the initially cozy, then increasingly frosty relations between the two communist Asian nations. However, being familiar with many of the observations made in this book from other sources, I was hoping for a more cogent analysis of the synergy between the radicalization of Mao's vision of perpetual revolution and the Indochinese wars. For example, did the Cultural Revolution hinder or help the Vietnamese, and what were their perceptions? Did China encourage Pol Pot's intransigence vis-a-vis Hanoi because of ideological affinity or just plain spite? How did the Ussuri River clashes affect the Soviet supply link to Hanoi? This is a good volume for factual summary of the events, but a more profound reading of the new archival sources needs to follow.
Average customer rating:
- unknown planet
- An objective view of the Central Asian cultures and customs
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Culture and Customs of the Central Asian Republics (Culture and Customs of Asia)
Rafis Abazov
Manufacturer: Greenwood Press
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0313336563 |
Book Description
The Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan won their independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Now they are emerging from the shadow of dominance and are subjects of intense interest from the West. The modern culture and customs of the various peoples in these geopolitical hotspots, straddling the far reaches of Europe into Asia, are revealed to a general audience for the first time. This will be the must-have volume for a broad, authoritative overview of these traditional civilizations as they cope with globalization.
Customer Reviews:
unknown planet .......2007-04-12
Unfortunately, Central Asia remains an unknown part of our planet. I highly recommend this book to anyone who wants to learn more of this vibrant and intriguing area of the world, especially those interested in the life and cultures of the Great Silk Road. It is a clear and useful reference to the politics, economics, history and fascinating customs of the Central Asian peoples. I wish you a happy journey reading this work which will provide an opportunity for you to feel the ancient spirit and modern life of Central Asia.
An objective view of the Central Asian cultures and customs.......2007-02-10
So you want to learn more about the Central Asian Republics? This book can provide you with answers. The book does not boringly describe the customs and cultures of the republics. It shows how throughout the history the cultural and religious influences from Greece, Middle East, China and Russia have shaped the modern cultures of the Central Asian Republics. It explains why the cultures of the regions are so diverse; it also discusses their unique and common features. Every topic covered in the book, such as visual and performing arts, archeology, media, cinema, music, etc., is discussed from the ancient times to modern days. Moreover, the book comes with beautiful photographs, selected bibliography and index; and each chapter begins with an epigraph! I think this book could be the right choice to read for anyone who wants an objective account of the regional cultures and customs.
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Realms of the Russian Bear: A Natural History of Russia and the Central Asian Republics
John Sparks
Manufacturer: Little Brown & Co (T)
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0316804940 |
Book Description
This is a history of Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia from the time of the first inhabitants of the region up to the break up of the Mongol Empire in 1260 AD. Inner Eurasia, as the author defines it, comprises most of the former Soviet Union and Russia's huge territories in Siberia; Russia's former empire in Central Asia; China's central Asian empire; and Mongolia, both the parts within China and those within the Mongolian People's Republic. The author presents Inner Eurasia as a coherent region with an underlying unity in geography and history despite its cultural and ecological variety.This volume, the first of two surveying this region, charts developments from the Old Stone Age, through changes under such peoples as the Scythians, the Huns and the Turks, to the emergence of an identifiable Rus - the society from which modern Russia and Ukraine have evolved. The book sets political events in the broadest context of social and economic change, linking evolution to the vast geography of the territories it describes. Together with volume II covering the period up to the present, the work represents the most thorough, up-to-date study of this fascinating and much misunderstood region of the world.
Customer Reviews:
Strong overall.......2001-06-14
This book is the only book to deal with the lands in question (Inner Asia) so thoroughly. I feel as if a large gap in my knowledge of history has been at least partially filled (there is always more to learn). Not that I'm without my complaints: the maps are few and far in between, the photographs poorly done. Sometimes, the book was downright boring, but that's to be expected with such an extensive book.
If you want to learn about the dynamic relationship between argricultural civilizations and pastoralist civilizations, read this book. It does leave some questions unanswered though. Such as, why did new tribes replace old tribes (ex: the Goths in Hungary, being pushed out by the Huns, who were pushed out by the Magyars)? What were the relative populations of the time? What was the relative demand for the goods of the steepe peoples? What was the trade balance between steppe and agricultural peoples?
Despite the questions, the book was worth the read.
A waste of paper, time and money.......2001-03-12
As an archaeologist working on the archaeology of North East Asia, I found this book a very big disappointment. Then again what should I expect from a historian whose speciality is the 18th and 19th century history of Russia?
The author draws heavily on secondary works in English, German, French and Russian. Instead of depending on those, he should have gone directly to the archaeological site reports and the historical annals themselves. Its also sad to see a synthesis on Russia and Central Asia that relies heavily on the works of English language scholars and ignoring the Russian and Mongolian language scholars. In terms of some of his English secondary sources, ones like Davis-Kimball et al. (NOMADS OF THE EURASIAN STEPPE) and Barfield's PERILOUS FRONTIER are still in print and available from AMAZON.COM.
Production values in this book are also uneven. The photographic reproductions in many cases are also poorly scanned copies (see for example p. 53, 214 in the paperback version). The publisher should have done a better job.
My advice: you can do a lot better (try the two suggestions above)
Superb.......2000-08-14
The life and times of Chingghis Khan were brilliantly written and I could recommend this book for the last 2 chapters alone. The rest of it was very good. Be prepared to re-read chapters if, like me, you weren't exposed to these regions in history. There are elements here important to scholars of China and Byzantium as well.
Simply fascinating.......2000-07-28
In these days of specialist books it is virtually impossible to find scholarly works that cover a broad spectrum of history. Inner Eurasian pre-history spans the history of a large part of mankind itself. It is home of the Indo-Europeans, a linguistic group that spread in pre-historic times to India, Iran, Asia Minor and Europe.
The impact of the warrior tribes from the Steppe lands - such as the Huns, the Goths, Vandals, Alans and the all-important Mongols - shattered some of the world's greatest empires. David Christian does a marvelous job explaining it all to us, while keeping the scholarly element intact throughout. It is a book I would recommend wholeheartedly to anyone interested in the general history of mankind.
A Delight to read.......2000-04-18
This work is authoritive, detailed and were needed succinct and to the point with excellent references for further investigation. The use of charts, and illustrations give the detail needed to illustrate the information being refered too. I am looking forward to Volume 2 with great anticipation
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Painters and Politics in the People's Republic of China, 1949-1979
Julia F. Andrews
Manufacturer: University of California Press
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ASIN: 0520079817 |
Book Description
Julia Andrews's extraordinary study of art, artists, and artistic policy during the first three decades of the People's Republic of China makes a major contribution to our understanding of modern China. From 1949 to 1979 the Chinese government controlled the lives and work of the country's artists--these were also years of extreme isolation from international artistic dialogue. During this period the Chinese Communist Party succeeded in eradicating most of the artistic styles and techniques it found politically repugnant. By 1979, traditional landscape painting had been replaced by a new style and subject that was strikingly different from both contemporary Western art and that of other Chinese areas such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore.
Through vivid firsthand accounts, Andrews recreates the careers of many individual artists who were forced to submit to a vacillating policy regarding style, technique, medium, and genre. She discusses the cultural controls that the government used, the ways in which artists responded, and the works of art that emerged as a result. She particularly emphasizes the influence of the Soviet Union on Chinese art and the problems it created for the practice of traditional painting.
This book opens the way to new, stimulating comparisons of Western and Eastern cultures and will be welcomed by art historians, political scientists, and scholars of Asia.
Book Description
This books presents authoritative coverage of the country's place in the world, bridging West and East: its spectacular landscape and its ecological challenges; its people and their patterns of life; its turbulent history and astonishing heritage of material culture; its governmental structures; contemporary society; and Kazakhstan's highly significant economy and prospects.
Customer Reviews:
Great book for learning about Kaz!.......2007-07-08
My family is also adopting from Kaz-and we purchased this book as a coffee table book and we have all enjoyed reading it. I was just reading another book that recommended getting yourself aquainted with your child's birth country (when adopting internationally)and recommended getting a coffee table book and actually opening it! We have opened it and enjoy looking at the pictures and I am sure as soon as "Baby Kaz" is old enough, she/he will enjoy looking at it too.
Great for Adoptive Parents.......2006-01-14
My husband and I are traveling to adopt a child or maybe two from Kazakhstan. I purchased this book as a Christmas present for my husband. We really enjoy reading it together.
There are fabulous pictures, maps and diagrams and it really gives you a quick lesson on the history. My nephews also love looking at the pictures and learning about the country from which their cousins come from. I would definately recommend this book to all of those traveling to Kazakhstan to adopt. I am sure many others would like it, too.
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Vietnamese Communists' Relations With China and the Second Indochina Conflict, 1956-1962
Cheng Guan Ang
Manufacturer: McFarland & Company
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Library Binding
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ASIN: 0786404043 |
Book Description
Based on Vietnamese, Chinese, American and British sources-many only recently made available-this work examines Sino-Vietnamese relations in the early stages of the second Indochina conflict. The progression of the Vietnamese Communists' goals from primarily political to essentially military is traced. The book shows that the Hanoi government was remarkably in control of its own decision-making.
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