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This Is War!: A Photo Narrative of the Korean War
David Douglas Duncan Manufacturer: Little Brown & Co (T) ProductGroup: Book Binding: Hardcover Similar Items: ASIN: 0316195650 |
Customer Reviews:
This is War!.......2000-06-28
BEING THERE THRU THE CAMERA LENS.......2000-06-26
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Refighting the Last War: Command and Crisis in Korea 1950-1953
D. Clayton James Manufacturer: Free Press ProductGroup: Book Binding: Hardcover Similar Items:
ASIN: 0029160014 |
Customer Reviews:
Please, truth in advertising.......2000-09-15
From the beginning it is clear that Korea is not fought like any war previous: the fact that the Sec State led us into conflict, the fact that Congress did not declare war, the President did not call up reserve forces or nationalize the economy for war mobilization, to say nothing of the air and naval restrictions imposed from the beginning of the conflict. Maybe MacArthur thought HE was refighting the last war, but that is a conclusion the reader will come to independent of the author's arguments.
Most telling to me is that although the book is post-Soviet Union, there is no attempt to access archival material that many other authors have, and who have published some startling conclusions, that perhaps our interpretation of the war in the 50's was in fact correct. The author claims that there was a "gentleman's agreement" between the USSR, US, and PRC to limit the war, and that Stalin and Mao monitored US congressional hearings to take their cues on American strategy. No joke. Where is the evidence? No foot notes, no citations of archival material, no logical followup. The reader is expected to accept the statement and the implications that maybe the Reds weren't so awful after all.
There are occaissional flashes of interest, particularly in discussing the issues surrounding the less known personalities such as Admiral Joy, and Generals Van Fleet and Clark. But if anything, all these individuals chaffed at not being able to "refight the last war", that is to wage war as they saw fit.
There are many statements and assertions that just don't do justice to the reader looking for a deeper story from Korea. There is a lot better scholarship and interpretion out there.
Evaluation of the People and Command Decisions of the War.......1997-12-02
Truman left the details up to Acheson but felt the war, and especially prisoner repatriation, were moral imperatives. (The later cost Truman the election in '52...an armistice would have been signed before the election had Truman yielded). Ridgway, stabilizing the front after MacArthur's collapse, decided to extract maximum Chinese casualities for largely insignifcant terrain. Admiral Joy wore two hats as commander and negotiator. His minesweeping and Marine air support were often underappreciated, even as his worst fears about the Soviets in Vladivostok never materialized. On the other hand he often negotiated as much with his own State Department as with the communists. General Clark chafed under the restraints of limited war, and wound up signing the Armistice 'with a heavy heart.'
As an analyst the command decisions are more interesting.
***The decision to intervene showed the growing strength of the state department vis a vis military matters. It had been the Joint Chiefs ,after all, who had said a war on the Asian mainland should be avoided. But pressure of McCarthyism and fear of a Kremlin monolith pushed us in. For their part, the North Koreans assumed that the US machinery of declaring war would be too cumbersome for a timely response. While bypassing congress was justified under the urgent circumstances that late June of 1953, it was foolish not to engage and consult with key leaders as the war progressed.
***The author, as many do, gives a good description of the insurmountable logistics of the Inchon landing. Asked about its risks, MacArthur (perhaps sarcastically) commented that the real risk was putting US boys on the mainland in the first place. The author could have pointed out that 'donkeys' revealed the Flying Fish Channel was not mined, nor was the port heavily guarded. In any case, the momentum gained at Inchon was lost with the Wonsan landing on the east coast.
***With regards to the decision to cross the parallel, James points out that speeches and excitement about uniting Korea predated US force breakouts. But the success foundered as US forces outran their supplies in the west; the peninsula widened and the temperatures plummeted; the Taebek mountains prevented the 'pincers' from closing. As for the disaster of Chinese intervention, the author lays some blame on Truman. He used the Wake Island meeting with MacArthur largely for political grandstanding when it called for hardnosed geopolitical analysis.
***On the decision to fire MacArthur: Keep in mind MacArthur felt US policymakers placed too much emphasis on Europe. [Reviewers comment: we still do. Can you say BOSNIA?] His proposals to extend the war into Manchuria and China involved limited air and sea operations, not ground troops. [Clark made the same proposals 2 years later]. As for the advance itself, MacArthur took full advantage of what he felt were ambiguous orders. A final source of misunderstanding was simply that links between MacArthur, the JCS and presidential advisors (especially Acheson) were weak.
*** In his chapter 'Victory or Armistice' James deals well with arguments that we should have exploited the weak CCF instead of pursuing an Armistice in mid 1951. Should we have advanced to the Korean 'waist'-- the line between Wonsan and Pyongyang? Considering the difficulties we encountered later at the Iron Triangle and the Punchbowl, this might not have been as easy as we thought. True, Van Fleet and Admiral Joy felt we had fumbled an opportunity to 'crush the enemy'. But the author states frankly the American led alliance decided that 'if the blood of their young men' was to be shed further, it should be in areas more strategically critical. (of course this means, Europe.).
***Could the war have been fought in another way or by other means?? America never decided to use Chiang Kai Sheks forces; not only could this be provocative, but there was a feeling that they were not up to snuff, anyway. America sent its extra 4 divisions to Europe partly as a signal to the communists that we wish to keep the war confined to the Peninsula.
What about more of a sea war? Not only would a blockade of Manchuria have been ineffective, but it might have brought in the Russians from nearby Vladivostok. Shelling of Chinese cities and bases also would have been largely ineffective since many facilities were beyond the range of coastal gunfire.
Could the air war have been different? Strategic bombing had little impact on the defensive lines of the enemy. Atomic bombs were a charming threat, but overkill ; and ineffective in such rural terrain. [nuclear bombs are good for one and only one thing...blowing up large cities.] Hot pursuit of MiGs scooting back north of the Yalu was eventually allowed. (and effective: read No Kum Sok's book, A MiG15 to Freedom).
There were other limits and sanctuaries as well: UN bases in Korea (Pusan, for example) were never bombed; Russian air and naval support was never more than just adequate. These limits illustrate the complex, political nature of cold war warfare. If it was new to us then, it most certainly is not now. Have we learned from it??
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Chosin: Heroic Ordeal of the Korean War
Eric M. Hammel Manufacturer: Presidio Press ProductGroup: Book Binding: Hardcover ASIN: 0891413782 |
Customer Reviews:
Good study from a small unit perspective.......1999-07-30
As a top down look at the events and commanders of the battle I would perhaps suggest another book with a more strategic view, the tight focus does not allow a complete discussion of the surrounding events.
As an historical description of the individual solider and the battle experience with a competent understanding of military organization I recommend it.
Most inaccurate account so far........1998-12-08
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White Tigers: My Secret War in North Korea (Ausa Institute of Land Warfare Book.)
Ben S. Malcom , and Ron Martz Manufacturer: Brassey's Inc ProductGroup: Book Binding: Hardcover Similar Items:
ASIN: 1574880160 |
Book Description
Operating from a clandestine camp on an island off western North Korea, Army Lt. Ben Malcom coordinated the intelligence activities of eleven partisan battalions, including the famous White Tigers. With Malcomâs experiences as its focus, White Tigers examines all aspects of guerrilla activities in Korea. This exciting memoir makes an important contribution to the history of special operations.Customer Reviews:
A story long un-told.......2006-03-05
Excellent Book -- 40+Years in Coming.......1999-06-14
First, I'll have to say I'm a bit prejudiced toward Ben Malcom. COL Ben Malcom was the post commander at Fort McPherson, Georgia in the late 70's and I commanded his military police company. In fact, Ben was instrumental in my career -- first he allowed me to command a company as a first lieutenant, something his predecessor would not do. Second, he literally pushed my application for a regular army commission through and made sure it was approved. Ben is a true gentleman and was a fine Army officer.
On to the book. White Tigers recounts Ben's story, from ROTC to the Infantry, and shortly after his commission, to Korea. Ben was scheduled to be a rifle platoon leader in Korea, but was somewhat randomly selected to train North Korean partisans --- behind enemy lines. What was so remarkable about Ben's selection is that he is over 6', has no oriental features, and did not speak Korean.
Ben found himself behind enemy lines where he trained a battalion-size North Korean force, and managed to get to the mainland on more than one occasion to recruit and do combat -- where he was awarded the Silver Star.
My favorite portion of the book is Ben recounting how he left Korea after a year wearing the Silver Star, but no combat patch (his unit did not have patch) and no combat infantryman's badge (his unit was not recognized as a line infantry unit that qualified for the CIB). When Ben reported in to his next unit, his superiors asked how it was that he was wearing a silver star, but no combat patch or CIB. Ben's answer: "I'm sorry, I can't disclose that because it's classified."
And Ben's operations were classified -- in fact, for more than 40 years. Ben had started a book in the mid-50s, but terminated his efforts because of the classification of the operations in which he was involved. Once the operations were declassified in the early 90s, Ben dusted off his 40-year old manuscript, which served as the basis for White Tigers.
I will have to say that White Tigers is not an accomplished thriller -- however, what it is is a fine personal account of Ben's exploits in a very unusual operation. Many of the activities that Ben was involved in -- and many that he directed ad lib due to the lack of training and doctrine --have become the basis of some special operations today.
Ben deserves a huge well done for an outstanding effort in documenting a very unusual experience. I would highly recommend his work.
Charles D. Childers Colonel, US Army
Cloak and dagger in the Korean conflict.......1997-10-16
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The Korean War: Challenges In Crisis, Credibility And Command
Burton I. Kaufman Manufacturer: McGraw-Hill Humanities/Social Sciences/Langua ProductGroup: Book Binding: Paperback Similar Items: ASIN: 0070341508 |
Book Description
This concise and cogent text is a history of America's diplomatic and military involvement in the Korean War. Carrying the themes of crisis, credibility, and command throughout the book, the author emphasizes the diplomatic and political setting of the conflict, both domestically and internationally.
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Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City
Claire Jean Kim Manufacturer: Yale University Press ProductGroup: Book Binding: Paperback Similar Items:
ASIN: 0300093306 |
Book Description
This book examines escalating conflicts between Blacks and Koreans in American cities by focusing on the Flatbush Boycott of 1990, led by Black and Haitian activists against Korean-owned produce stores in Brooklyn. Claire Jean Kim rejects the notion that Black-Korean conflict constitutes racial scapegoating and helps us understand Black activists' collective action and the responses of others.Customer Reviews:
Good view of how Korean-Americans see themselves and others.......2003-11-16
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East of Chosin: Entrapment and Breakout in Korea, 1950 (Texas a & M University Military History Series)
Roy Edgar Appleman Manufacturer: Texas A&M University Press ProductGroup: Book Binding: Paperback Similar Items:
ASIN: 0890964653 |
Customer Reviews:
Can it get any worse?.......2004-08-20
Hung Out to Die.......2004-04-01
Bad plan. Frigid weather. Four straight days and nights under attack in the cold. No help available. Get back on your own, guys. Frostbite. All out of bandages, gasoline, ammunition. Then death in the cold cold night so close to getting back.
I've read this book twice and it effected me even more the second time.
skwirl60646@yahoo.com
Honest, In Depth and Heartbreaking........2001-11-21
Infantryman's War.......2001-06-13
You may lose track of which regiment "L Company" is a part of, but you will come to care what happened to L Company.
A reader from St.John's, Newfoundland.......2000-06-29
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The Coldest War: A Memoir of Korea
James Brady Manufacturer: St. Martin's Griffin ProductGroup: Book Binding: Paperback Similar Items:
ASIN: 0312265115 |
Book Description
America's "forgotten war" lasted just thirty-seven months, yet 54,246 Americans died in that time -- nearly as many as died in ten years in Vietnam.On the fiftieth anniversary of this devastating conflict, James Brady tells the story of his life as a young marine lieutenant in Korea.In 1947, seeking to avoid the draft, nineteen-year-old Jim Brady volunteered for a Marine Corps program that made him a lieutenant in the reserves on the day he graduated college.He didn't plan to find himself in command of a rifle platoon three years later facing a real enemy, but that is exactly what happened after the Chinese turned a so-called police action into a war.The Coldest War vividly describes Brady's rapid education in the realities of war and the pressures of command.Opportunities for bold offensives sink in the miasma of trench warfare; death comes in fits and starts as too-accurate artillery on both sides seeks out men in their bunkers; constant alertness is crucial for survival, while brutal cold and a seductive silence conspire to lull soldiers into an often fatal stupor.The Korean War affected the lives of all Americans, yet is little known beyond the antics of "M*A*S*H."Here is the inside story that deserves to be told, and James Brady is a powerful witness to a vital chapter of our history.Customer Reviews:
Brought back memories.......2007-01-15
A powerful look at Marines at war in Korea .......2006-02-16
A two night read an well worth it.......2006-02-05
5 Stars........2005-10-01
story fair for professional writer.......2005-01-05
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Protest and Survive: Underground GI Newspapers during the Vietnam War
James Lewes Manufacturer: Praeger Publishers ProductGroup: Book Binding: Hardcover ASIN: 0275978613 |
Book Description
Drawing from more than 120 newspapers, published between 1968 and 1970, this study explores the emergence of an anti-militarist subculture within the U.S. armed services. These activists took the position that individual GIs could best challenge their subordination by working in concert with like-minded servicemen through GI movement organizations whose behaviors and activities were then publicized in these underground newspapers. In examining this movement, Lewes focuses on their treatment of power and authority within the armed forces and how this mirrored the wider and more inclusive relations of power and authority in the United States. He argues that this opposition among servicemen was the primary motivation for the United States to withdraw from Vietnam. This first book length study of GI-published underground newspapers sheds light on the utility of alternative media for movements of social change, and provides information on how these movements are shaped by the environments in which they emerge. Lewes asserts that one cannot understand GI opposition as an extension of the civilian antiwar movement. Instead, it was the product of an embedded environment, whose inhabitants had been drafted or had enlisted to avoid the draft. They came from cities and small towns whose populations were often polarized between those who wholeheartedly supported the war and those who became progressively more critical of the need for Americans to be involved in Vietnam.Customer Reviews:
Cutting-Edge and Timely: GI Resistance Still Exists.......2003-11-14
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China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950-1975 (The New Cold War History)
Qiang Zhai Manufacturer: The University of North Carolina Press ProductGroup: Book Binding: Paperback Similar Items:
ASIN: 0807848425 Release Date: 2000-03-15 |
Book Description
In the quarter century after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Beijing assisted Vietnam in its struggle against two formidable foes, France and the United States. Indeed, the rise and fall of this alliance is one of the most crucial developments in the history of the Cold War in Asia. Drawing on newly released Chinese archival sources, memoirs and diaries, and documentary collections, Qiang Zhai offers the first comprehensive exploration of Beijing's Indochina policy and the historical, domestic, and international contexts within which it developed.In examining China's conduct toward Vietnam, Zhai provides important insights into Mao Zedong's foreign policy and the ideological and geopolitical motives behind it. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, he shows, Mao considered the United States the primary threat to the security of the recent Communist victory in China and therefore saw support for Ho Chi Minh as a good way to weaken American influence in Southeast Asia. In the late 1960s and 1970s, however, when Mao perceived a greater threat from the Soviet Union, he began to adjust his policies and encourage the North Vietnamese to accept a peace agreement with the United States.
Customer Reviews:
Interesting but lacking.......2007-04-16
Read for Class, Pretty Good.......2006-04-24
Cooperation & Containment in Sino-Vietnamese Relations.......2000-10-09
China and Vietnam had a complicated relationship long before the Indochina wars of the mid-20th century. According to Zhai, the Vietnamese "had a tradition of looking to China for models and inspirations," but there also were "historical animosities between the two countries as a result of China's interventions in Vietnam." Zhai writes that Mao Zedong was "eager to aid Ho Chi Minh in 1950" because Mao believed "Indochina constituted one of the three fronts (the others being Korea and Taiwan) that Mao perceived as vulnerable to an invasion by imperialist countries headed by the United States." When the Viet Minh army headed toward the decisive battle at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, they were accompanied by a Chinese "general military adviser," and China furnished the PAVN with antiaircraft guns, as well as engineering experts and large quantities of ammunition. The Viet Minh won the battle but were bitterly disappointed by the peace which followed. According to Zhai, China's approach to the Geneva conference was motivated by fear of the United States' designs in Indochina: "To prevent American intervention, [Zhou Enlai] was ready to compromise of the Laotian and Cambodian issue," and he formally proposed "withdrawal of the Viet Minh troops from Laos and Cambodia." Zhai writes: "For the Vietnamese Communists, the Geneva Conference served as a lesson about the nature and limits of Communist internationalism," and both Beijing and Moscow pressured the Viet Minh "to abandon its efforts to unify the whole of Vietnam."
Zhai makes the controversial assertion that, in 1961, President Kennedy "set out to increase U.S. commitment to the Saigon regime." In response, according to Zhai, Mao Zedong "expressed a general support for the armed struggle of the South Vietnamese people," but China's leaders "were uneasy about their Vietnamese comrades' tendency to conduct large-unit operations in the south." Zhai writes: "The period between 1961 and 1964 was a crucial one in the evolution of Sino-DRV relations....Its urgent need to resist American pressure increased its reliance on China's material assistance." According to Zhai: "The newly available Chinese documents clearly indicate that Beijing provided extensive support (short of volunteer pilots) to Hanoi during the Vietnam War and in doing so risked war with the United States." In Zhai's view, although Chinese leaders were "determined to avoid war with the United States," Beijing warned that "if the United States bombs China[,] that would mean war and there would be no limits to the war." According to Zhai: "Between 1965 and 1968, Beijing strongly opposed peace talks between Hanoi and Washington and rejected a number of international initiatives designed to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam conflict." "Above all, Mao and his associates wanted the North Vietnamese to wage a protracted war to tie down the United States in Vietnam." When the Paris negotiations began in May 1968, Beijing was "unenthusiastic." In less than three years, the international situation changed. Zhai's lengthy discussion of the complicated internal and international events leading up to the crisis in Cambodia in 1970 is a case study in Machiavellian politics and diplomacy. By 1971, according to Zhai, Chinese leaders were "keen to see an early conclusion of the Vietnam War in order to preserve American power and contain Soviet influence." After President Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972, according to Zhai, the North Vietnamese "drew a bitter lesson from Nixon's handshake with Mao that China's foreign policy was concerned less with Communist unity than with the pursuit of China's national interest." In Zhai';s view: "Nixon's decision to normalize relations with Beijing nullified the hitherto basic rationale of the Vietnam War, namely to contain and isolate Communist China." According to Zhai: "Mao and Zhou Enlai viewed with satisfaction the conclusion of the Paris Peace Agreement." In September 1975, just a few months after Saigon fell and Vietnam was unified, Zhai writes that Mao told a Vietnamese visitor, in effect, "Hanoi should stop looking to China for assistance." "The long historical conflict between China and Vietnam...had returned to life."
In conclusion, Zhai asserts that "[t]here were two strands in China's policy toward Vietnam during the two Indochina wars: cooperation and containment;" "From the 1950s to 1968, the cooperation side of China's policy was predominant; and "From the late 1960s, particularly between 1972 and 1975, the containment side of China's policy became more prominent." In my opinion, the most important aspects of this book is its demonstration that international Communism was not monolithic in the 1960s and 1970s. Zhai makes clear that the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China encouraged and aided Vietnam's struggle for independence from France and its war for national unification against the United States, but the Communist powers were motivated more by national interests than by revolutionary solidarity. The history of Chinese-Vietnamese relations between 1950 and 1975 must be viewed within the broader contexts of growing Sino-Soviet competition for primacy in the international Communist movement and of China's eventual, if only limited, rapprochement with the United States. Zhai's book is, therefore, an important contribution to the literature about the most controversial foreign war in American history.
good summary but..........2000-05-17
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