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Morning in America, Gil Troy's examination of Ronald Reagan's legacy, is not nearly as linear as the subtitle, "How Ronald Reagan Invented the 1980s," would suggest. While the influence of Reagan's image-oriented presidency (the book's title is drawn from a pivotal campaign commercial) and capital-driven domestic approach influenced the birth of the '80s media explosion and the fashionable status of capitalism, Troy shows that the inverse was also true, with Reagan and his team of advisors responding to trends as much as guiding them. Troy revisits icons of the decade--Madonna, Hill Street Blues, Dynasty, CNN, yuppies--and demonstrates the ways in which they intersected with the guiding principles of Reaganism and in turn why they are what you think of when you think of the '80s. Of course the decade was also notorious for a rise in crime, the emergence of AIDS, and growing fears of nuclear weapons and nuclear power. Troy tackles that duality as well, arguing that unlike the malaise of the Jimmy Carter era, the idea of Reagan, and the notion behind his electoral victories, was one of wishing to see the country how one would like it to be. As might be expected from a book that blends pop culture, politics, and history, some arguments are better than others (can we really glean all that much about abortion by noting that Madonna insists "I'm gonna keep my baby" in the chorus?). But the effort to look at an era as a whole by examining its many different parts is often successful. Although Troy is clearly a big fan of Reagan, this is not necessarily hagiography. In fact, it's not really about Reagan at all. Historian Troy is more interested in Reagan's identity as a cultural symbol than he is in defending or attacking the decisions made during Reagan's two terms in office.--John Moe
Book Description
Did America's fortieth president lead a conservative counterrevolution that left liberalism gasping for air? The answer, for both his admirers and his detractors, is often "yes." In Morning in America, Gil Troy argues that the Great Communicator was also the Great Conciliator. His pioneering and lively reassessment of Ronald Reagan's legacy takes us through the 1980s in ten year-by-year chapters, integrating the story of the Reagan presidency with stories of the decade's cultural icons and watershed moments-from personalities to popular television shows.
One such watershed moment was the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. With the trauma of Vietnam fading, the triumph of America's 1983 invasion of tiny Grenada still fresh, and a reviving economy, Americans geared up for a festival of international harmony that-spurred on by an entertainment-focused news media, corporate sponsors, and the President himself-became a celebration of the good old U.S.A. At the Games' opening, Reagan presided over a thousand-voice choir, a 750-member marching band, and a 90,000-strong teary-eyed audience singing "America the Beautiful!" while waving thousands of flags.
Reagan emerges more as happy warrior than angry ideologue, as a big-picture man better at setting America's mood than implementing his program. With a vigorous Democratic opposition, Reagan's own affability, and other limiting factors, the eighties were less counterrevolutionary than many believe. Many sixties' innovations went mainstream, from civil rights to feminism. Reagan fostered a political culture centered on individualism and consumption-finding common ground between the right and the left.
Written with verve, Morning in America is both a major new look at one of America's most influential modern-day presidents and the definitive story of a decade that continues to shape our times.
Customer Reviews:
Hey, remember the 1980's president?.......2005-08-25
Ronald Reagan campaigned and then was elected on a promise to restore American virility. In the closing years of the cold war, we wanted to believe that America was a super power and that we ourselves were super.
Who better suited for that type of positioning than a former Hollywood actor? I think the "1950's Doc Brown" from the 1985 blockbuster 'Back to the Future' spoke for many people when he just expressed shock that an actor ended up as President of the United States. Yet, it made perfect sense in the early years of the cable revolution when the 'best' public official was one who did manipulate the media for their message.
The author examines how this manipulation provided a needed boost to America. We were still recovering from Vietnam and had difficulty realizing that we were perhaps not the center of the world. Reagan's campaign was genius because it essentially said 'don't' and encouraged swing voters to believe that everything would be solved if they elected Reagan.
Reagan made critical inroads with 'blue-collar' democrats. These voters had supported the party on economic issues but had been increasingly at odds with the Democrats on social issues. Specifically because of his own Hollywood background, Reagan knew these voters could be won if he stressed 'morals' and 'tradition' regardless of how he (a twice divorced man who had signed off on the liberalization of abortion laws as California Governor) actually felt about those same issues. Appearance IS everything in politics.
The author also makes clear that the Reagan years are not admirable. Troy explains how the feel good images of success and luxury were sharply contrasting with the reality being experienced by many people. The rapidly rising cost of living, spending cuts, and the AIDS epidemic prevented many other people from enjoying the prosperity.
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Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh: The Post-Steel Era (Twentieth-Century Pittsburgh)
Roy Lubove
Manufacturer: University of Pittsburgh Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
 1945 - Present
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ASIN: 0822955660 |
Book Description
On November 4, 1979, Iranian militants stormed the United States Embassy in Tehran and took sixty-six Americans captive. Thus began the Iran Hostage Crisis, an affair that captivated the American public for 444 days and marked America's first confrontation with the forces of radical Islam. Using hundreds of recently declassified government documents, historian David Farber takes the first in-depth look at the hostage crisis, examining its lessons for America's contemporary War on Terrorism.
Unlike other histories of the subject, Farber's vivid and fast-paced narrative looks beyond the day-to-day circumstances of the crisis, using the events leading up to the ordeal as a means for understanding it. The book paints a portrait of the 1970s in the United States as an era of failed expectations in a nation plagued by uncertainty and anxiety. It reveals an American government ill prepared for the fall of the Shah of Iran and unable to reckon with the Ayatollah Khomeini and his militant Islamic followers.
Farber's account is filled with fresh insights regarding the central players in the crisis: Khomeini emerges as an astute strategist, single-mindedly dedicated to creating an Islamic state. The Americans' student-captors appear as less-than-organized youths, having prepared for only a symbolic sit-in with just a three-day supply of food. ABC news chief Roone Arledge, newly installed and eager for ratings, is cited as a critical catalyst in elevating the hostages to cause célèbre status.
Throughout the book there emerge eerie parallels to the current terrorism crisis. Then as now, Farber demonstrates, politicians failed to grasp the depth of anger that Islamic fundamentalists harbored toward the United States, and Americans dismissed threats from terrorist groups as the crusades of ineffectual madmen.
Taken Hostage is a timely and revealing history of America's first engagement with terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, one that provides a chilling reminder that the past is only prologue.
Customer Reviews:
More than a mere account of historical events.......2005-01-24
This book is an outstandingly researched work and I applaud Farber's thoroughness. I just finished writing my final research paper for my historical methods class on the Iran hostage crisis and this text was an indispensable resource.
It is so much more than just an account of the hostage crisis. Farber really delves beneath the surface of the events and decisions related to the crisis. He paints a picture for the reader of the sentiments prevalent among the citizenries of both the United States and Iran. He goes further by describing the reasons behind those sentiments. This puts the decisions made by the Carter administration, the actions taken by the Iranians, and the reactions to both of these by the American public in a context and framework essential to understanding the hostage crisis and its related issues. Highly Recommended.
Excellent historical account.......2004-11-10
Farber does a very good job with this book. I was anxious to read it for its historical significance with the 25th anniversary of the hostage crisis. I was in grade school during those 444 days. I wasn't old enough to understand why our citizens were being held. I was old enough to remember other things: the yellow ribbons, Walter Cronkite counting the days each night, Mickey Mouse bumper stickers giving Iran the finger.
The book is very strong with the background of Iranian/US relations. Most Americans probably don't realize the important role people like Eisenhower (and the CIA) played in deposing Iranian despot Mossadegh and installing Mohammed Reza Pahlavi (the Shah) into power.
Farber does a nice job of explaining how it is the policy decisions of the US government that were the root causes of the hostage crisis. The main decisions being installing the Shah and subsequently providing refuge for an ailing Shah in mid-1979. An interesting parallel can be drawn today with the current war on terror. Al Qaeda doesn't hate America so much for what we stand for as for the policy decisions we make.
Farber also does a nice job of describing the troubled days of the Carter administration. Carter had to deal with almost insurmountable problems during his term. Stagflation, high unemployment, the gas crunch and finally (his ultimate downfall) the crisis in Iran.
The book reads very quickly for a so-called historical white-paper. I would recommend it for anyone who is interested in knowing a bit more about the history of Iran and the hostage crisis as well as those interested in the war on terror and some of its early beginnings.
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Employment, Labor Unions and Wages (Economists of the Twentieth Century)
Orley C. Ashenfelter
Manufacturer: Edward Elgar Publishing
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 185898128X |
Book Description
During the past quarter century, free-market capitalism was recognized not merely as a successful system of wealth creation, but as the key determinant of the health of political and cultural democracy. Now, renowned British journalist and historian Godfrey Hodgson takes aim at this popular view in a book that promises to become one of the most important political histories of our time. More Equal Than Others looks back on twenty-five years of what Hodgson calls "the conservative ascendancy" in America, demonstrating how it has come to dominate American politics.
Hodgson disputes the notion that the rise of conservatism has spread affluence and equality to the American people. Quite the contrary, he writes, the most distinctive feature of American society in the closing years of the twentieth century was its great and growing inequality. He argues that the combination of conservative ideology and corporate power and dominance by mass media obsessed with lifestyle and celebrity have caused America to abandon much of what was best in its past. In fact, he writes, income and wealth inequality have become so extreme that America now resembles the class-stratified societies of early twentieth-century Europe.
More Equal Than Others addresses a broad range of issues, with chapters on politics, the new economy, immigration, technology, women, race, and foreign policy, among others. A fitting sequel to the author's critically acclaimed America In Our Time, More Equal Than Others is not only an outstanding synthesis of history, but a trenchant commentary on the state of the American Dream.
Customer Reviews:
Insightful!.......2004-10-25
British journalist and historian Godfrey Hodgson dissects the rise of conservatism in the U.S. during the last quarter of the twentieth century. Hodgson is an unapologetic liberal, and though he's ultimately optimistic about America, he finds much to lament in this period. Even die-hard conservatives might be given pause by his warnings about growing social stratification and inequality. Hodgson's greatest contribution to the political discussion may be his examination of this time period from so many angles, exposing myths and misconceptions about each facet of society, especially the much-ballyhooed prosperity of the '90s. The book is plagued by inadequate fact-checking on minor issues, however, which could call his larger points into question, despite 43 pages of end notes and an extensive bibliography. Despite these flaws, we find this thoughtful study useful for anyone trying to understand American politics and future trends.
Useful survey of the USA today.......2004-08-14
This is a useful survey of the USA's society and economy by Godfrey Hodgson, a British journalist and author, who is an Associate Fellow at the Rothermere American Institute at Oxford University.
Chapters deal with politics and the Constitution, the economy, immigration, technology, women, slavery and race, the frontier, society, foreign policy, the world and the new century. He explodes the myth that the market, not the government or the universities, built the Internet.
What he calls the `conservative ascendancy' is really just corporate power leading to a corporate state. All the polls show that the American people have far saner views than either wing of the capitalist party. But in the USA, money talks, so much so that its courts now hold that the First Amendment's protection of free speech protects the absurdly high levels of election spending.
The ruling class has turned the USA into the most unequal of all developed countries: its great and growing inequality means that it has the least opportunity, the least social mobility and the fewest escapes from poverty. The USA is failing economically: average wages were 10% lower in 1999 than in 1973. In 2000, it had lower annual incomes per head than Norway, Switzerland, Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Luxembourg. Between 1960 and 2000, productivity grew more slowly in the USA than in Britain, France or Italy.
Hodgson raises, but does not answer, the question why, after the Soviet Union's suicide, world peace and prosperity did not ensue. What caused the wars and slumps of the 1990s? The Soviet Union's demise proved that it was not the Soviet Union that prevented peace and prosperity, but capitalism.
Tell me something I don't know.......2004-06-03
Godfrey Hodgson is a distinguished journalist whose new history of the past thirty years of American history is published with the help of The Century Foundation. There is something offsetting about the foreword written by Century Foundation president Richard Leone, which seems to apologize beforehand for being critical about the current United States and eager to remind people that Hodgson is a friend of the United States. The book itself starts off with the free market consensus and then goes on to discuss the new post-Nixon politics. And so get familiar treatments of the fall of the Democratic South, the rise of the taxpayer's rebellion, and the corruptions of party financing. We then have a chapter on the internet which makes what should be the obvious point that it did not spring from the heads of a few Titanic entrepreneurs but arose from a long history of government and public support. We then have a chapter on the new economy which points out the underside of wage stagnation and increasing inequality. In Spring 1999 average wages were actually 10% lower than in 1973. If we use market exchange rates to measure income the Scandinavian countries and Switzerland make more money than the United States. Productivity growth is lower than France or Italy. We then have a chapter each on immigrants, women and African-Americans which notes progress but also delays and residual hostility. We then have a chapter on the new society which focuses on the problems of suburbanization, mass transport, the decline of sport, the decline of community and the increased atomization of the American public. We then look at the new world order of American domination. The result of all this is there has been an "unquestioning faith in untrammeled free-market capitalism," that needs to be questioned and moderated.
All good and well, one might think, but the result is like reading a collection of special Newsweek articles. We are not learning anything new. The total is not really very deep. Although Hodgson is aware of the limits of Clinton's policies his book is not much more adventurous or radical. There is some good stuff about the blind hostility of many Americans to mass transit. Hodgson is also more interested in trade unions to be sure, and cites Nelson Licthenstein to good effect, but it would be better to read Lichtenstein than Hodgson himself. Tom Frank, whom Hodgson also mentions, would be a better critic of the cant of "free market populism." One would be better off reading Susan Faludi and Deborah Rhode on women, Stephanie Coontz and Rickie Sollinger on the family, or Mike Davis on Hispanic immigration. Raymond Garthoff would be a better guide on foreign policy in the seventies and eighties. The bibliography is anything but exhaustive. There is a whole corpus of scholarship on gender and race. Why confine oneself to the memoirs of Susan Brownmiller and Gloria Steinem on abortion, or the thoughts of Shelby Steele and Elias Cose? A certain journalist fatuousness sets in, such as when Hodgson says the Internet "may be the most important single innovation there has ever been." (At other times Hodgson is more wary, pointing out that the effect of the internet isn't clear in some cases and its impact on productivity has been overestimated in others.) In his chapter on American politics he says that ideological differences between the two parties have never been so clear, while later he says that the political differences are actually rather slight. In fact, he confuses ideology with rhetoric, just as he earlier overestimates the liberalism of Northern Republicans before Nixon. There is a tendency in the chapter on race to discuss how people feel about it than what they actually experience. And television, films, literature, music; all of the these get only fleeting mention.
Consider, as an example, the chapter on foreign affairs. We have a brief and somewhat misleading survey of foreign policy in the seventies. The Civil war of Angola appears as an act of Soviet aggression, whereas the American conspiring with South Africa and Zaire so detailed in Piero Gleijeses' Conflicting Missions goes unmentioned. The Sandinistas are falsely said to have "abandoned their claims to be considered democrats." Samuel Huntington gets treated with too much respect. The failure of Boris Yeltsin only gets a paragraph. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict gets ignored, as does genocide in Bosnia and Rwanda. Environmental problems and the environment in general do not appear in the Index. There are a few doubts about globalization and about the smug chauvinism of much American foreign policy. But the overall result is superficial. What could be said about this chapter can be said for all the others: one reads and realizes that it could be so much better.
All animals are equal, but..........2004-05-17
There is general agreement in the United States that the last few decades have been much more profitable for the wealthiest few percent of the population than for everyone else. "More Equal Than Others" makes the point that even this understanding of inequality is greatly underestimated by most Americans. Godfrey Hodgson, who is a long time Washington correspondent for the British media and who wrote this book for The Century Foundation in New York, believes that the US media have consistently presented a picture of the country that makes it appear more economically successful and more egalitarian compared to other countries than is in fact the case. He claims that recent statistics show that the US is, by some measures, the least egalitarian of the eleven most industrialized countries.
Hodgson bases his case on a review of history from the 1970's through the first couple of years of this century. Much of what he presents will be entirely familiar to anyone who has lived in the US during that time. Indeed, the book has a tendency to present history by anecdote, rather than analysis. Nevertheless, it contains nuggets of information which should interest any close social or political observer of the country. Where he doesn't persuade, he certainly proves himself to be a worthy debating partner. Above all, he makes us think.
Godfrey Hodgson's political concern is made transparent by both the book's title and its dust jacket, which shows two photographs: One is of a man in a suit looking at the skyline from a penthouse office; the other is of a group of people seated around a table under a freeway overpass. That neither photograph needed to be staged is unarguable. By chance, I am writing this review looking out from just such a luxury high-rise overlooking an empty lot where three men are asleep on the ground. They must remember better days, because they have lined up their pieces of cardboard against a wall like beds in a dormitory. Only feet away is one of the busiest freeways in the United States.
The question is whether Hodgson's book will play only to the liberal choir, or whether he has introduced enough new facts, or presented existing facts in a sufficiently original manner, to persuade any of those freeway drivers to stop.
"All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others. - George Orwell, Animal Farm"
Ruling Class Holiday.......2004-05-01
In this densely factual and amply documented explication of the conservative counterrevolution in the U.S. over the past quarter century, Godfrey Hodgson demonstrates how this brew of Christian cowboy populism and free market absolutism has undermined the United States' historically tolerant, egalitarian culture, installing in its place an unnatural system where the measure of every person, every motive and every institution is the dollar almighty.
Full of counterexamples to the works of conservative think tanks, Hodgson deftly explodes the many myths manufactured by this melange of Ayn Rand "objectivists,' neo-liberal economists and reactionary sociologists. He shows, for example, how these apparatchiki provide the justifications and tools to blame and marginalize the poor for their poverty and non-whites for their non-whiteness. He also shows how as part of these efforts the think tankerites have used the 'objectivity' credo of journalism to insert erroneous, vicious "facts" into the so-called marketplace of ideas, e.g., that the U.S. is much "freer" in terms of economic mobility between the classes, a mobility created and supported by free-market capitalism. Hodgson shows this story, often used to justify the global spread of American capitalism is a patent falsehood.
Citing a study of the top 16 industrialized nations, including, of course, Rumsfeld's "Old Europe," he notes the U.S. ranks dead last in this regard. All the right wing rhetoric is revealed as mere assertion. Hodgson shows how since mid-century the conservative ideology has replaced the liberal consensus and turned the U.S. into an increasingly brittle oligarchy whose citizens are now more polarized and class-bound than citizens in those countries America rebuilt after WWII. As Hodgson notes toward the end of MORE EQUAL THAN OTHERS: "Over the twelve years of Republican occupancy of the White House, from 1981 to 1993, the median American wage earner's income fell by 5 percent in real terms. The income of the top 5 percent of taxpayers rose by 30 percent, while the income of the top 1 percent rose by 78 percent. Inequality reigned" (page 291). Hodgson further contends the polarization is evident in a two party system that once sought consensus but is divided with one party now clearly aligned with the haves against the have-nots.
Again, in Hodgson's words: "The politics of the past quarter century have been dominated by the reaction against the idea of a Great Society. There has been a racial dimension to this shift. There have been other dimensions, too: anger at American humiliations abroad; disgust at perceived moral decline, especially in sexual behavior and in the family: resentment of taxation, inflation, and economic change generally. All of this added up, a little perversely, to a rejection of government as the instrument of democracy and the elevation of unregulated free-market capitalism to share democracy's throne at the apex of the American system of belief. (Perversely, because if government failed to win all of its battles against communism in the Third World, free markets were hardly likely to have proved more successful; neither the Coca-Cola Corporation nor Disney was equipped to have won the battle of Ap Bac [in Vietnam] or rescue the Tehran hostages. Perversely, too, because the "social issues" were scarcely the fault of government: if anything, they should be blamed on the market capitalism in the shape of Hollywood, Madison Avenue, and the entertainment industry" (pg. 291).
Hodgson is clearly upset at what has happened over the past few decades in the U.S. A transplanted Englishman who has spent a good deal of his life in the States, he asks us to recall the real American virtues: a relatively classless society, an optimistic and charitable national spirit. To his mind, the racialized rhetoric of the deserving and the undeserving has no place in this shining city upon the hill. In the past, he notes, the wealthy may have "dined on gold plates" and collected priceless artworks, but they also kept quiet about their luxurious lives, observing of the egalitarian credo that to do otherwise would be to ape the behavior of the royalist or aristocrat. Now millionaire populism has swept over the land and the true republican American value of classless civil interaction has been turned on its head -- quoting Rush Limbaugh in this regard: "Do you realize that if wealthy people are not secure in the enjoyment of their property rights, no one is?" (From Limbaugh's "See, I Told You So," pg. 314). Hodgson would argue that the security of a wealthy elite has been the driving force of this anti-American counterrevolution, a movement which has sought to force-feed contingency and insecurity to those citizens not fortunate enough to have been born or to have otherwise become (a rare phenomenon according to Hodgson) a member of the new ruling class.
Average customer rating:
- Boring Book
- its a good one folks
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The Watergate Crisis (Greenwood Press Guides to Historic Events of the Twentieth Century)
Michael A. Genovese
Manufacturer: Greenwood Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
1945 - Present
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ASIN: 0313298785 |
Book Description
The Watergate crisis marked the beginning of the age of cynicism in America. This readable and insightful account examines what happened in Watergate, who was involved, what it meant then, and what it means now. By analyzing the overall impact of Watergate on events that followed, this work will help students and other interested readers to better understand today's politics. In addition to a narrative overview and a series of topical essays about Watergate, this guide provides a timeline of events, biographical sketches of the key players, the text of important primary documents, a glossary of terms, and an annotated bibliography. Watergate refers to a series of crimes and abuses of power including obstruction of justice, conspiracy, criminal coverup, perjury, and destruction of evidence. As a result of the Watergate crisis, the press became more intrusive and personal, the public became more cynical and apathetic toward government, executive-congressional relations became soured and divisive, and partisan clashes became more bitter. Genovese, a noted presidential scholar, discusses Nixon's political personality, addresses the question of whether any president is above the law, and offers a contemporary view of presidential corruption in historical perspective, which is valuable in light of the Clinton impeachment hearings. This readable analysis and ready-reference guide provides valuable resources for students.
Customer Reviews:
Boring Book.......2004-03-16
This Book is an okay if your an adult but it is a little boring for aperson like me.
its a good one folks.......2001-03-22
i liked it because it gave good info about the crisis and the affects of watergate.
Book Description
Halbert White has made a major contribution to key areas of econometrics including specification analysis, specification testing, encompassing and Cox tests and model selection. This book presents his most important published work supplemented with new material setting his work in context.
Together with new introductions to each of the chapters, the articles cover work from the early 1980s to 1996 and provide an excellent overview of the breadth of Professor White's work and the evolution of his ideas. Using rigorous mathematical techniques Halbert White develops many of the central themes in econometrics concerning models, data generating processes and estimation procedures. Throughout the book the unifying vision is that econometric models are only imperfect approximations to the processes generating economic data and that this has implications for the interpretation of estimates, inference and selection of econometric models.
This unique collection of some of Halbert White's important work, not otherwise readily accessible, will be welcomed by researchers, graduates and academics in econometrics and statistics.
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America in the Seventies (America in the Twentieth Century)
Stephanie A. Slocum-Schaffer
Manufacturer: Syracuse University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
Popular Culture
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1945 - Present
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ASIN: 0815629982 |
Book Description
Explores the cultural and social developments of the United States during the 1970s and offers thorough survey of both 1970s popular culture and political, economic, and military developments.
In assessing this tumultuous period in American history, Stephanie A. Slocum-Schaffer provides readers with a visceral experience of the seventies and a comprehensive survey of the important events of the entire decade.
Central to the book is the belief that the 1970s were a time of betrayal and loss for the U. S., tempered by moments of healing and renewal. Slocum-Schaffer evokes the pain of Nixon's betrayal of the nation, the revelations of the My Lai massacre and the Pentagon Papers, and the losses of icons such as John Wayne, Jimi Hendrix, and the cult followers at Jonestown. At the same time, she revisits the successes of Camp David, Billie Jean King, and Frank Robinson, and the first Space Shuttle test flight, and reminds us of the healing that such events offered to the U. S.'s faltering self-esteem.
America in the Seventies concludes with a "Legacy Chapter," summarizing the influence of the events of the decade on future generations and an annotated bibliography that includes the author's recommendations for the "best first book" to read on each subject, as well as relevant Internet sources.
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American Culture in the 1980s (Twentieth Century American Culture S.)
Graham Thompson
Manufacturer: Edinburgh University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
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ASIN: 0748619100 |
Book Description
This book looks beyond the common label of 'Ronald Reagan's America' to chart the complex intersection of cultures in the 1980s. In doing so it provides an insightful account of the major cultural forms of 1980s America& mdash;literature and drama; film and television; music and performance; art and photography& mdash;and influential texts and trends of the decade: from White Noise to Wall Street, from Silicon Valley to MTV, and from Madonna to Cindy Sherman. A focused chapter considers the changing dynamics of American culture in an increasingly globalised marketplace.
Key Features:
* Focused case studies featuring key texts, genres, writers, artists and cultural trends
* Detailed chronology of 1980s American culture
* Bibliographies for each chapter
* Twelve black and white illustrations
Book Description
Rogel, a leading U.S. specialist on Yugoslavia and the war in Bosnia, examines the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, the war in Bosnia, the peace settlement, and the problems that continue to exist in Bosnia and Serbia today. She provides information and analysis to help students understand the collapse of Tito's Yugoslavia, the causes and effects of the ensuing war, and the aftermath of the conflicts. Seven essays analyze the crisis, including two that focus on the aftermath of a decade strained with conflict and war, and the current conditions in the former Yugoslavia. Ready reference features include:
A timeline of events
Lengthy biographical sketches of Yugoslav leaders and Western diplomats
Primary documents
A glossary of selected terms
An annotated bibliography of recommended further reading, films, documentaries, and Web sites
Customer Reviews:
war upon war; and it may not be over yet.......2006-10-02
Rogel gives a brief recap of the Yugoslav wars. Plural. Fascinating to see how a relative success story during the Cold War managed to fragment so thoroughly after its end. There is the usual account of the tortured history of the region, stretching to the Field of Blackbirds where the Slavs were defeated by the Turks.
First Slovenia went its own way. With a brief struggle. But then Croatia too. Much bloodier now. Followed by Bosnia and the jockeying between Croatia and Serbia for influence in Bosnia. And so on. The best efforts of the international community seemed somewhat inadequate. Especially after the massacre of 6 000 Muslim males.
The book does not end on much of a settled note. It's the endgame now, at least.
Books:
- My Traitor's Heart: A South African Exile Returns to Face His Country, His Tribe, and His Conscience
- On Call In Hell: A Doctor's Iraq War Story
- Passage of Darkness: The Ethnobiology of the Haitian Zombie
- Passionate Nation: The Epic History of Texas
- Population: 485: Meeting Your Neighbors One Siren at a Time
- Religious Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know--And Doesn't
- Russian Thinkers (Penguin Philosophy)
- Shadow Divers: The True Adventure of Two Americans Who Risked Everything to Solve One of the Last Mysteries of World War II
- Shakedown: Exposing the Real Jesse Jackson
- Silent Steel: The Mysterious Death of the Nuclear Attack Sub USS Scorpion
Books Index
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